Browsing by Author "Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle."

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Can Humanities Social Science faculties (HSF) give utility value (economic) to the South African development state? : a case study of HSF of the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) and the eThekwini region.
(2010) Pooe, T. K.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
This research paper seeks to explore whether the University of KwaZulu-Natal (U.K.Z.N) Humanities Social Science Faculty (HSF) can provide utility (economic) value to the eThekwini region and the South African developmental state. Utility value within this paper is defined as being, „The welfare a given investor assigns to an investment with a particular expected return and risk.‟ (duke.edu). A developmental state according to Professor Ziya Onis is a “…state where the government is intimately involved in the macro and micro-economic planning in order to grow the economy.” (Onis 1991). Each existing developmental state has approached its development in a unique and contextually relevant manner. Yet all developmental states have one key variable prominent: Human Capital Development through investment in the Science Engineering and Management streams of study. This research project uses a qualitative research approach comprising of semi-structured interviews with selected personnel from the University‟s Humanities Social Science Faculty, private sector organisations, the local municipality, a representative from the Minister of Higher Education and Training and the Reference group set up by the Ministry to investigate the state of the HSF in South Africa. Six key questions will inform this research. Firstly, what is the content and curriculum make-up of a Humanities Social Science of the University of KwaZulu-Natal degree and what factors inform its make-up? Secondly, what is utility value expressed in employment terms does an HS degree provide? Thirdly, how are HSF Degrees structured to offer both knowledge and utility value to their students - and in turn - the South African job market? Fourthly, where do HSF graduates get employed i.e. in which Government Departments or industries do they find employment? Fifthly, what meaningful role does an HSF degree offer in the context of the developmental State in South Africa? And finally, does the UKZN HSF and its degrees need an overhaul? And if it is concluded that it does not need it, why does it not? This research project found that the Humanities Social Science Faculty and its products, the graduates , do provide utility value - needed for leading people and organisations - in the form of management skills, deductive reasoning, critical and lateral thinking. However, if the current state of the HS-Faculty continues, namely; the large number of students enrolled, the non-enterprising curriculum, the non-collaborative relationship between the faculty and local business and governmental structures, the HSF will have no “active role” in the developmental state and will in “fact” become a problem. And subsequently, a problem that contributes to the phenomena of unemployable graduates in a major way.
Exploring women's perceptions on the use of the female condom among female attendees at an inner-city family planning clinic in Durban, South Africa.
(2011) Dube, Charmaine Cindile.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
This research study seeks to explore perceptions of family planning clients towards the female condom, as well as examine factors that facilitate or inhibit the use of the device by women of different age groups. The study targets women aged 18-35 who attend the Commercial City Clinic located in Durban, South Africa. This study targets this group since they fall in the category of those most besieged by HIV, hence the need for protection against infection. While most research on condom use has focused the technicalities of barriers prevention methods, relatively less is known about attitudes, motivation and strategies employed by users or would-be users. Although Femidom has been widely accepted as an effective method in STI and pregnancy prevention, nevertheless its usefulness is hampered by a number of factors. Factors range from partner’s objection; men’s negative attitude to use of the device; refusal to use any condom during sex; distrust of the method by male partner; Femidom insertion difficulties in women; reduced sexual sensation for some women when the device is in use; and preference of a discreet method by women not requiring permission by the male sexual counterpart to use the female condom While this study acknowledges that the female condom is an imperfect technology, nevertheless, ways need to be found on how to raise its acceptability. Such a measure is necessary since the female-controlled HIV prevention device has great potential if better marketed and distributed. However, that potential can only be realized if women’s vulnerabilities in the biological, cultural, economic and social domains are addressed. In so doing, this would enable women to gain greater control over their sexual health and also empower them in sexual relationships, thus bettering their lot than is the case at present.
An interpretation of political violence in Lamont and KwaMashu.
(1987) Booth, Douglas George.; Wellings, Paul.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
The field of political violence is introduced with an overview of anti-State political violence in South Africa between 1 January 1977 and 21 July 1985. Incidents of political violence in that period were classified into one of three categories, each of which reflects different sources of political violence. Subsequently, the research analysed what is referred to 'spontaneous' collective violence in two of Durban's townships Lamont and KwaMashu. The theoretical framework for the analysis of this type of behaviour is provided by T.R. Gurr using the formula: MPV = RD + (RD x JUST x BALANCE) where MPV is the magnitude of political violence; RD is discontent; JUST is the justifications for engaging in violence; and BALANCE is the ratio of support for, and coercive capacity of, dissidents vis-a-vis the State. The weight of each variable (RD, JUST and BALANCE) was assessed in Lamont and KwaMashu through interviews with 25 group leaders from both townships and by various inferential techniques. While discontent was found to be universal in both townships, the justifications for engaging in violence as a strategy to alleviate that discontent and alter existing power relations were found to be a function of ideology. For the purposes of this research two ideological classifications were employed: 'reactionaries' (those organisations operating within government created institutions, including bantustans, e.g. Inkatha); and 'progressives' (those organisations operating outside government created institutions and which are popularly labelled the Left e.g. the United Democratic Front). In Durban there is a specific spatial distribution of ideology which has resulted in support for, and the coercive capacity of, reactionaries' being greatest in bantustan townships ' (e.g. KwaMashu), while among 'progressives' support and coercive capacity are highest in townships in 'white' South Africa (e.g. Lamont). The distribution of ideology has its origins in historical forces which are discussed in detail. The question to be answered thus remains at what point does political violence reach a crescendo? This question was answered by identifying the issues precipitating political violence in Lamont and KwaMashu and then analysing specific incidents. Frequently, the most intense collective violence erupted when resistance to State hegemony was interpreted by the State, or its proxies, as challenging the existing status quo. In Lamont the State has directly intervened to crush resistance through the use of its security forces while in KwaMashu Inkatha vigilantes have acted as proxies for the State.
Investigating the performance of land restitution projects: a case study of Richmond, KwaZulu-Natal.
(2019) Chetty, Robert.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
The land question is significant for South Africans on many levels. Enhancing and improving the productive capacity of land to achieve developmental gains has taken on particular importance in the face of food security needs and world economic challenges. However, post-apartheid land reform and rural development policies have had negligible impacts on the livelihoods of land reform beneficiaries. The few success stories stand in stark contrast to the majority of settled claims where little or no productive activity is taking place and few, if any, benefits have yet accrued to beneficiaries. This study has sought to interrogate the ways in which beneficiaries of land-based restitution awards have responded to the inherent difficulties in building sustainable and productive agricultural enterprises. The qualitative case studies - consisting of seven restitution claims located in Richmond, KZN - explore whether and how beneficiaries are utilising their newly acquired land, and attempts to gauge how the restitution of land has affected their livelihood opportunities. In most cases, the settled claims are not delivering immediate livelihood benefits to claimant communities. The gap between the ambitious promise of land restored and the reality on the ground is attributable to both structural and micro-level factors. Despite the seemingly intractable challenges however, through following a diversity of income-generation strategies, some beneficiary groups are making a success of their newly acquired land mindful of the fact that livelihood benefits will have to be deferred for some time as projects wobble onto their feet. The study concludes that in undoing the legacy of land dispossession and improving livelihoods of beneficiaries, solutions to the land question must address both the agrarian structure driven as it is by neo-liberal agricultural policies at the macro level as well as pervasive micro level dynamics of internal conflicts, resource constraints and weak accountability mechanisms. Improving the sustainability of land reform projects is important, as doing so will not only realise the goal of achieving much-needed socially just and equitable rural development but will also improve food security, develop local economies, provide employment and support broader economic development.
The media and social construction of reality : a case study of the charges against Jacob Zuma.
(2011) Khuluse, Lungisile Zamahlongwa.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
This dissertation investigates print media reporting on the Jacob Zuma case to establish levels of bias, if any, in reporting such a high profile political case. The study is premised on the concept of social construction of reality where values and preferences could colour the perception of facts. The use of both ethnographic and quantitative content analysis allowed for the systematic investigation of the content of newspaper articles while the use of discourse analysis highlighted the importance of language use in the social construction of reality. Under apartheid the media was critical of government both ideologically and morally. The print media had a liberal democratic ethos and generally defended the underdog. This has been carried over into the democratic dispensation. The implication of the Deputy President of the country and the brother of the Secretary of the Arms Procurement Committee in corruption hit the nerve of the press, hence the vigilant reporting on the case. The media generally painted a picture of Zuma as a corrupt man not fit to be in public office with his implication in corruption being perceived as a threat to the country's democratic ethos. The view was that this undermined democratic principles of equality, justice and accountability. On the contrary COSATU, SACP and the ANCYL mobilised the public in support of Zuma arguing that the charges were instituted by vindictive opponents who wanted to destroy Zuma's political career. The NPA's conduct during the case including its failure to provide Zuma with a final indictment in over a year arguing that it was not prepared to continue with the case thus seeking a postponement - gave credence to the conspiracy theorists. At the end, the NP A conceded the conspiracy theory on the representation made by Zuma following leaked conversations between National Prosecuting Authority (NP A) boss Leonard McCarthy and former National Director of Public Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka. This in essence brought a non-conclusive end to the saga as the allegations and the defence therefore could not be tested in a court of law.
The politics of co-optation and of non-collaboration.
(1991) Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.; Morris, Michael.; Schlemmer, Lawrence.
Since the outbreak of the Soweto uprising in 1976 there has been a noticeable change in the thinking of the South African government. This change has been evident in the departure from classical Verwoerdian apartheid to reform apartheid where the state has increasingly undertaken a programme of restructuring of political positions. The main strategy has been to co-opt blacks into statutory bodies such as the homelands, the tricameral parliament and town councils. In response to this shift in policy, blacks have intensified resistance to reform apartheid by forming a number of "extra-system" organisations which have constituted the extra parliamentary opposition. Co-optive reforms have not been limited only to the political sphere, a number of social and economic measures intended to accommodate 'qualifying' blacks have also been introduced notably by the private sector. For instance, private corporations have attempted to 'deracialise' positions at work by instituting 'black advancement' programmes to integrate the workforce and allow for occupational mobility across all races. Further, there has been a measure of relaxation in the social sphere: petty apartheid in the form of restrictions on mixed audiences in places of entertainment has been abolished, the Immorality Act and the Mixed Marriages Act are no longer on the statute book and private schools as well as white liberal universities opened their doors to black pupils and students. The main objective of this thesis has been to establish how the African elites who qualify as the 'main beneficiaries' of these changes react to reform. The thesis is, therefore, a reflection of the attitudes of 93 respondents selected from the professional and managerial ranks, community leaders and opinion-makes in the Pretoria-Witwatersrand Vereeniging Complex in the Transvaal, the Durban-Pietermaritzburg region in Natal, and from the Eastern Cape. This almost covers the main urban metropolitan complexes excluding the Western Cape and the Orange Free State, and therefore, almost represents a national survey of African elites. Findings drawn from the data indicate that, in the main, African elites reject co-optation as an avenue of inclusion into the 'centre' of power primarily on political grounds. In the views of the majority of the subjects in this thesis, the solution to the national question is critical to any strategy of accommodation, and this precedes any other arrangements - economic educational etc. This 'primacy of the political' refutes any suggestions that a subordinate group may be won over through economic and status rewards without attending to the basic issues of human rights which are, in essence, political. Secondly, the findings demonstrate that co-optation as a hegemonic, strategy has not achieved the intended objectives. It has failed to legitimate a process of elite incorporation in spite of derived status and power that accrue to the beneficiaries as individuals. The subjects aligned themselves with the extra-parliamentary opposition as ideological opponents of apartheid including reform apartheid both in terms of policy and strategy. The thesis ends with three scenarios. The first postulates the failure of co-optation as a strategy and examines the possibility of non-collaboration as a successful substitute. This is, however, not possible in the immediate future given the power of the state on the one side and the weaknesses on the part of the extra-parliamentary opposition on the other, particularly at the level of organisation, and discipline as well as the capacity to deliver the requisite material goods and services to the masses. The second scenario projects a situation where co-optation succeeds. This is, again, a difficult scenario to realise given the massive opposition against the present state and the inability of the South African government, as is presently constituted, to address basic issues of human rights, issues which lie at the bottom of the present crisis. Finally, the remaining option is that the stalemate continues but with the possibility that both the present government and the extra-parliamentary opposition seek ways to reach workable alternatives as is crystalised in the pre-negotiations that are presently taking place.
The public library as a community service in a developing society : case study of Botswana.
(1988) Nkabinde, Thokozile M. N.; Lund, Frances Jane.; Schlemmer, Lawrence.; Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.
This study evaluates the purpose and role of the public library in national development in Botswana. Particular attention is focused on the public library as a community resource as well as its sensitivity in meeting the needs of community members and of organizations operating in the community. Chapter 1 introduces the nature of the problem, and brief historical and current developments of the public library in Botswana. Research objectives of the study are also outlined. Chapter 2 attempts to locate the public library in developing countries within development strategies such as the modernization and basic needs approach. Discussions further illustrate how policies emanating from these development strategies have influenced public library policies in these countries, and in Botswana. Attempts are made to show how the public library in Botswana is trying to adjust to shifts in emphasis of government development plans, especially the rural development emphasis. Chapter 3 outlines methods of research used to collect and process data obtained from the village Molepolole in Botswana. There is a brief discussion of the nature of this village as well as that of the community public library. Chapter 4 and 5 present findings of the household survey, and of community organizations and public librarians interviewed. An analysis and interpretation of findings of the household survey based on a sample of 203 readers drawn from the village is also presented. Community organizations interviewed include both government and non-government. Patterns of reading and views on the library of both readers in the survey and public library users, are explored. Chapter 6 presents a brief review of developments of the national campaign to eradicate illiteracy in Botswana, which was launched by the Department of Non-formal Education (DNFE) in 1970. The study shows what role the public library has been, and what it should be, in the provision of effective support for the promotion of literacy and reading. The last chapter gives a summary of findings, and suggests a model that could be adopted to develop an effective rural public library service in Botswana. The model is based on principles of the basic needs approach to development, which emphasizes appropriateness, focus on target groups, accessibility, affordability, integrativeness, participation and assertiveness.
Socio-political attitudes of the urban African elites in Durban.
(1981) Zulu, Paulus Mzomuhle.; Schlemmer, Lawrence.
No abstract available.