Masters Degrees (Political Science)

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Academic integration within the context of globalization : experiences of students from the SADC region studying at Howard College (University of KwaZulu-Natal)
(2013) Munsense, Ida Manyina.; Misgun, Biniam Tesfamariam.
Migration of people has long been conceived as voluntary relocation of an individual or groups of people in pursue of better job opportunities. In the context of globalisation, the semantic of migration has been expanded to include forced displacement of people as result of armed conflict or structural violence such as poverty and inaccessibility to basic needs. The United Nations‟ General Secretary has sanctioned the new explanatory trends in the concept of migration on the report on “human rights of migrants” (2002) under the article “Conceptual and substantive development of the question of the human rights of migrants” that does not leave out students migrating to integrate into a new academic environment to pursue higher degrees in fields of interest. Besides the effects of socio-political instability and economic unsustainability, human capital development theory justifies the influx of foreign students in South African universities in general, and the University of KwaZulu-Natal (Howard College) in particular. The process of integration is punctuated not only with opportunities but with challenges as well. This research looks in-depth into various experiences of international students integrating into Howard College. It is designed as a case study that basically use literature review and interactive interviews as sources of data, with a sample of twenty students registered with UKZN-Howard College. It investigates various aspects of integration process, examines the challenges that are involved in the process and the strategies that students develop to avert the adversities of immersion into this new academic milieu. The findings of this study abided by the interpretive paradigm appropriate to qualitative research using social network theory and human capital development as conceptual framework for the study. This research tables views from the field that are translated into recommendations that could improve the living condition of foreign students from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on campus and prompt the adjustment of the SADC Protocol on Education and Training according to the needs that arise from SADC students‟ various experiences.
Accessibility issues and challenges facing students living with disabilities in institutions of higher education and training : the case of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus.
(2019) Nene, Nompilo Nonzuzo.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
Institutions of higher education formally provide platforms for individuals to develop their talents and skills. However, for this to be achieved, individuals require access to relevant resources. This is not the case for students with disabilities as they face challenges of accessibility. With the case study of the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus, this research interrogates the challenges faced by students with disabilities. Assuming that the participation and representation of students with disabilities is important for these challenges to be resolved, this study explores governance arrangement that will create a conducive environment for students with disabilities. This is a qualitative research study that relies on both secondary and primary sources. Secondary sources consisted of academic journal articles, books and online material that address the themes of this study. Primary sources consisted of in-depth interviews and questionnaires, government documents, and documents from South African Universities, including the University of KwaZulu-Natal. The researcher interviewed a total of fifteen participants from the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus. The study used the following theoretical and conceptual tools: The study conceptualizes people living with disabilities as a minority group. As a remedy to political marginalization, this study argues for a consociational democratic student governance. This study utilized the accessibility model to probe different factors affecting accessibility. The accessibility model is composed of four factors: physical accessibility, perceptual accessibility, financial accessibility and social accessibility. The major conclusion of this study is that the majority of participants interviewed do face challenges of accessibility at University of KwaZulu-Natal’s Pietermaritzburg campus. The challenges faced by students with disabilities are: physical, social, financial and perceptual. The major accessibility challenge is the physical environment of the institution as well as the lack of support for students with disabilities from some of the academic staff. The study also discovered that there are students with disabilities who enrol in courses as a result of their disability and not their passion. The Disability Support Unit also appeared as one of the facilities which partially hinder access to information. The lack of engagements from the Student Representative Council with students with disabilities was also seen as a reason for the continuous experience of challenges by students with disabilities. The study recommends awareness campaigns to deal with social and perceptual challenges. Furthermore, the study recommends a consociational governance structure that will ensure that issues facing students with disabilities are fairly represented in all University governance structures.
Advancing women's rights discourses in conflict regions : a case study of the northern Uganda crisis.
(2014) Rwebangira, Joanita Kokugonza.; Nadvi, Syeda Lubna Bano.
Violence in Northern Uganda perpetrated by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has continued for over two decades. Women and children have thus remained the most vulnerable, subjected human rights violations. In Northern Uganda the conflict is unique in terms of the damage it has triggered on women. The intensity of women rights violation mostly the sexual violence and torture related offences, is a solemn hindrance to physical and psychological health of women. This demonstrates the urgent need to address these conflict related criminal offences against women’s rights in the region of Northern Uganda. Addressing the violation of women’s human rights plus interrogating the delayed efforts to respond to these concerns by government and international organization, is the concern in this paper. The project is an empirical research exploration of effective methods to involve women in the process of recovering from conflict. This thesis reflects on human rights in the African context and how to address gross violations of human rights in Northern Uganda. It also looks at the factors that hinder the reintegration of women during the process recovering from conflict. It engages a critical discourse that advances women’s rights as human rights in Northern Uganda.
Analysis of Pretoria's peace democracy in Africa from 1994-2014.
(2015) Mhlongo, Bavuksile Hanna.; Nene, Sanele Ashel.
Pretoria’s foreign policy has undergone evolution since the advent of democracy as the ANC government has moved to take its place in the international relations arena. This evolution has seen South Africa establish itself as a significant role player in peace diplomacy in the African continent. From the time Pretoria started engaging in peace diplomacy, its efforts have met many challenges. For instance, in the 1990s, the democratic government created enemies in the continent after Pretoria publicly criticised the Nigerian government for executing the Ogoni activists, who included writer Ken Saro-Wiwa. As a result after 1999, Pretoria emphasised respecting other African nations’ sovereignty. South Africa resolved that it would engage in conflict resolution when invited by its counterparts. Through the launch of the African Renaissance, a continent’s renewal programme, South Africa has engaged in peace diplomacy through multilateralism. This way Pretoria has managed to achieve its goal of promoting Africa’s development on the one hand and on the other hand avoid to be seen as meddling in other African nations’ domestic affairs. Pretoria has also received praise for its peace diplomacy in countries such as Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). And many observers attribute South Africa’s success in peace mediation to the role Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma have played as principal foreign policy actors during their presidencies. While many foreign policy observers claim that Pretoria’s foreign policy was rooted in the idealistic approach during Mandela’s presidency, Mbeki’s was based on realistic approach and Jacob Zuma has followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, this is not entirely true. There is evidence that classifying Pretoria’s foreign policy as such is a simplistic understanding of the country’s international relations. Many observers also contend that while the post-apartheid government continues to make its mark as a peace mediator in the continent, South Africa’s foreign policy is still full of contradictions.
An analysis of South Africa's role in regional integration in Southern Africa : prospects and challenges.
(2014) Gwala, Sbusisiwe Philile.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Since the success of Regional Integration (RI) in Europe epitomized by the European Union (EU), the mutual potential benefits that could be attained from RI initiatives and agreements have attracted much attention to the topic of RI. In the African context, RI has been hailed as the mechanism that nurtures the development of economic income, trade and bargaining power. This has resulted in the establishment of a number of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) in different parts of Africa. Despite the prevalence of Regional Economic Agreements (REAs) across Africa, RI has been largely unsuccessful due to a confluence of factors. Having been disregarded as a legitimate state by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region due to its apartheid regime prior to 1994, South Africa has since emerged as one of the well-developed countries in SSA. Having transitioned from the apartheid regime to a post-apartheid era, South Africa rose to become one of the dominant economic powerhouses in SSA, and a leader in the SADC region. The role of South Africa as a hegemon in SADC has been contested by some, citing the State’s inability to resolve some of its domestic problems to a satisfactory level. This research is an investigation or inquiry into the prospects of South Africa as the most qualified State to carry out the responsibility of spear-heading the RI process in the Southern African region. In the process of compiling this research secondary data obtained from books, journal articles, newspaper articles and existing theses dealing with RI in Europe, Africa, and Southern Africa were analysed. The results of this study portray South Africa as the most suitable candidate for leading RI in Southern Africa. This is primarily due to its advanced infrastructural development, superior economic strength and peace enforcement capabilities in conflict-ridden Africa. South Africa is also the largest capital contributor and the biggest investor in individual states in the SADC region. Based on these results, one recommendation is that the African continent in general and the SADC region in particular has reasons to cooperate with South Africa in reviving the RI agenda that would benefit the entire African continent. South Africa can still play its role as the leading economic powerhouse while the presidency of SADC block of nations is rotated annually amongst the member countries as in the EU. South Africa will then not be viewed suspiciously as having usurped the hegemonic status within the region. Giant strides have already been made in the political and economic arena; South Africa can build on these successes.
An analysis of the application of the South African Employment Equity Act (1998) in local government structures : a case study of female managers in the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Department of Economic Development.
(2011) Ngubane, Priscilla Phumelele Sindisiwe.; Nadvi, Lubna.
Since its emergence as the ruling party in 1994, when South Africa became a democratic country, the African National Congress has legislated and implemented a number of policies that are aimed at redressing the historical imbalances of the past caused by the Apartheid system. The Constitution of South Africa provides for the equality of men and women as a basic human right. The South African Employment Equity Act (1998) was introduced as a way of assisting the process of achieving equality and fairness in the employment practices of government, business and other sectors in South Africa. Scholars such as Merilee Grindle have argued that for a policy to succeed many things need to be considered such as the internal and external environment in which the implementation is to occur. There has also got to be a buy-in from the relevant stakeholders as policy implementation can be influenced by the implementer’s own belief system. Factors such as one’s upbringing, religion, race, class and culture can all impact on workplace practices. Through face to face interviews with the people who are the intended beneficiaries of this policy, this study moves away from looking at the statistics that have previously been the sole analysis of the implementation of the Employment Equity Act (EEA) to look at historical, political and cultural influences on the application of the EEA. In particular this study attempts to interrogate whether cultural factors play a role or impact on the way the EEA is being implemented within a government department using the KwaZulu Natal Department of Economic Development as a case study. The obvious reason for focusing on culture is that one’s cultural background inevitably shapes how an individual views the world and engages with other people. Cultural beliefs and prejudices can also affect a person’s conduct in the workplace. KwaZulu Natal is a province that has a very long history of cultural traditions rooted in a largely patriarchal system, therefore interrogating this topic within this province is highly appropriate. The responses of the participants will reflect the views of mostly women in management positions. From these perspectives the study will reflect on the degree to which culture does play a role in the implementation of the EEA in this particular case study.
Analysis of the effectiveness of international partnership agreements in local municipalities in South Africa : case of eThekwini Municipality.
(2017) Camagu, Luvuyo Aggrey.; Magam, Nolubabalo Patricia Dawn.
Abstract available in PDF file.
Analyzing the role of Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe (2007-2013).
(2014) Goto, Kudzai.; Malimela, Langelihle.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Twenty years ago, Zimbabwe was hailed as the “bread basket” of the Southern African region, unfortunately Zimbabwe has now become a basket case for its neighboring countries and beyond Africa. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is indeed a typical example of post-colonial state failure in Africa. Zimbabwe is facing a multidimensional crisis which has negative effects on its citizens and has resulted in an overflow of refugees into neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Botswana among others. This then has increasingly led to a situation whereby the neighboring countries have realized that they have a crucial role to play in trying to resolve the issues in Zimbabwe for the stabilization of the region and the country. The effort of these neighboring countries towards transforming the Zimbabwean crisis was prominently done through the regional body, SADC. This study analyses and examines SADC’s role in trying to resolve the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The study interrogates the methods or strategies which SADC used to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis, as they gave South Africa a mediating role to try and resolve the crisis. The study adopts and recommends Transformative Mediation theory as an explanatory and analytical framework. Transformative Mediation theory is based on empowering the disputing parties, and enhancing each party's recognition of the other. Empowerment and recognition are two key concepts of Transformative Mediation. These concepts are essential analytical tools in evaluating whether or not SADC’s mediation efforts succeeded in resolving the crisis. The study concludes by reflecting on how SADC can strengthen its crisis and conflict mediation mechanisms and techniques.
An application of Rosenau's systemic approach to African migration into South Africa from 1994 to May 2008.
(2010) Leboucher, Quentin.; Grest, Jeremy.; Cumin, David.
With the end of Apartheid, the South African regime completely changed. This had implications for African migration into the country. The migration situation became a concern with the appearance of what has been referred to as xenophobia. But except for some particularities, the case of South Africa is not so very singular. Systemic approaches in the field of International Relations have proved to be an interesting analytical tool, and Rosenau’s ideas provide the opportunity to use those approaches at different levels, applying them to different case of studies. The goal of this thesis is first to build a system of analysis for migration issues, explaining the interactions between the different actors of the system. The system thus created should be able to be applied to many case of migration in different regions of the world. The second chapter seeks to apply this system to the case of South Africa, for a clear understanding of the phenomenon of African migration to that country. It explains the interests, roles and modes of interaction of the different actors such as the state, external actors and migrants.
Aspects of land and labour in Kenya, 1919-1939.
(1980) Lind Holmes, S. M.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.
No abstract available.
Assessing policy responses of African states and international actors on the threats of transnational terrorism to Africa's security and stability : a case study of Kenya.
(2015) Zondi, Sikhumbuzo.; Rieker, Mark Ivan.
Contemporary global state of affairs is faced with one of the most malicious phenomenon’s that has evolved over time but at a pace incomparable to its present outlook. Transnational terrorism and the war against it have come to define the age in which we live. The threat of terrorist attacks and the measures taken by governments around the world to prevent such atrocities are now part of our daily lives. Terrorism has been occurring for many centuries, however the twenty first century has witnessed the most brutal and deadliest acts of transnational terrorism ever recorded in history. Transnational terrorism is affecting all corners of the world and hardly a day passes without any acts of terrorism being reported in the media, from the United States of America to Australia, from Kenya to France, from Indonesia to Afghanistan and from the Middle East to West Africa. Terrorism is everywhere and it seeks to redefine the international state system, the legitimacy of sovereign states to protect their citizens and to introduce new legal norms governing the behavior of states. In Africa terrorism is a recently new phenomenon but it has made it existence felt on the security and stability of the continent, owing largely to other pressing factors that when combined threatens the security and stability of Africa, thus making it difficult for the continent to develop and advance its socio-economic and political objectives. Africa has witnessed some of the most horrifying acts of transnational terrorism from the Boko Haram attacks in northern Nigeria, Chad and Cameroun to Al-Shabaab attacks in Kenya. Also from al-Qaeda attacks in Somalia to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) attacks in Tunisia. Africa’s security and stability are being seriously threatened by transnational terrorism and collective policy responses from all levels of analysis by all actors of international politics appears the only remedy against this phenomenon. With this in mind, this study seeks to examine the historical evolution of transnational terrorism in Africa. It also tries to assess the causes and policy responses made by both African and international state and non-state actors against the menace of transnational terrorism. The research uses Kenya as a case study to provide an in-depth analysis of the threat and collective policy responses to transnational terrorism. Finally, it assesses the implications of transnational terrorism on Africa’s security and stability and concludes with recommendations on how to collectively combat transnational terrorism.
Assessing South Africa's "quiet diplomacy" towards Zimbabwe : strengths and weaknesses.
(2008) Mkhize, Mbekezeli Comfort.; Piper, Laurence.
The research project begins with the land reform programme in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2008. Under colonialism Britain took most arable land from the indigenous Zimbabweans and gave it to the white (minority) settler population. The research attempts to look at how, after independence, President Robert Mugabe has handled the issue of land in an effort to reverse this situation. Some of the consequences of land reform include the collapse of the economy, political instability and social incoherence. Together, these consequences have led to the 'crisis' to describe social and political life in Zimbabwe. Most importantly, the project analyses South Africa's approach in dealing with this 'crisis'. Therefore, South Africa's approach has become the key subject upon which this project will be focused. Initially, the approach that was adopted and implemented by South African government towards Zimbabwe was termed "Quiet Diplomacy". The reasons for this approach are several. Firstly, this approach was one way of respecting the sovereignty of Zimbabwe. In other words, this was an attempt to honour and respect the internal affairs of Zimbabwe. Secondly, Thabo Mbeki's government was of the view that using economic muscle to sanction Zimbabwe would worsen the situation because Zimbabwe is dependent on South Africa in terms of electricity supply and other resources. However, as Quiet Diplomacy appeared to be ineffectual in halting Zimbabwe's slide into further disarray, much criticism has been generated. Critics state that the approach is not working, and it has made the situation worse in Zimbabwe. In addition, the study, therefore, has hypothesised that: "Quiet Diplomacy" is not a viable approach to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis. In making this claim, the study observes both the strengths and weaknesses of "quiet diplomacy". Finally, the study also seeks to make possible options (other than quiet diplomacy) that South African government should have considered. In the end, the study intends to make recommendations such as 'smart' sanctions that could be used to address the situation in Zimbabwe.
Assessing the effects of economic participation of Burundian migrants in Durban’s informal economy.
(2024) Hassan, Niyonkuru.; Khan, Sultan.
Economic issues are typically at the heart of migration decisions globally. Disparities in incomes between countries play a major role in motivating people with different levels of skills to migrate from developing countries to countries with more developed economies in search of secure livelihoods and improved quality of life. In Africa, South Africa is the leading migration destination country in Sub- Saharan Africa because of its buoyant economy and relative security. However, upon arriving migrants are confronted with the harsh reality of unemployment and little support from the host countries with a high level of discrimination from natives. Additionally, lack of assistance and empathy from non-profit organizations compound the situation further. Boxed into a corner and a hopelessness migrants have no alternative but to take up informal income generating activities. The informal sector plays a significant role in addressing unemployment among migrants. Street trading, which is the most visible sector of the informal economy, has been blamed for urban decay and the negative impact it has on the urbanization of different cities across South Africa. Such views have contributed to the challenges of street traders and have affected how they make a living. Street trading is a growing phenomenon in the Central Businesses Districts (CBDs) where many are people dependent on the practice of street trading for livelihoods. Durban has a large number of informal sector traders operating in the center’s streets, corners and road reserves. The city’s informal sector is constrained by inadequate infrastructure, poor policy implementation, negligence from the city authorities, inadequate trading spaces and contradictory policies from local and national government. The space scarcity is worsened by the involvement of the formal sector in space allocation and control. Environmental pollution is prevalent and spatial organization on income activity patterns. The informal sector is inherently a challenging environment for those eking out a living in the shadows of the formal economy. However, the challenges are more acute for African migrants on the periphery of the Durban’s formal economy. It is in this context that the study explores challenges that are faced by Burundian migrants in Durban‘s informal economy. The study will highlight various livelihood activities of Burundian migrants in the city of Durban. It will further seek to understand the nature, types of activities that Burundian migrants are involved in to survive in Durban. Finally, the study will provide an understanding into the misconception that foreign owned businesses has no benefits to the city and to the country as a whole.
Assessing the impact of integrated service delivery on poverty and employment creation: a case study of Operation Sukuma Sakhe in the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality.
(2014) Macwele, Benedict Mathole.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
Following the declaration of War on Poverty campaign by former president Thabo Mbeki in 2008, a number of provinces engaged in a process of aligning their long and short-term service delivery objectives with those of the campaign. In KwaZulu-Natal this engagement produced what is today known as Operation Sukuma Sakhe (OSS). OSS came into existence in 2009 and it aims to fast tract services delivery by promoting participatory democracy where the gap between government (service providers) and KwaZulu-Natal citizens (end-users of services) is significantly reduced. OSS, inter alia, promotes integrated services delivery, integrated planning and participation of end-users of government services in decision-making. The provincial government, district municipalities, local municipalities and wards each form the structure of overall arrangement of OSS. The Youth Ambassadors and Community Care Givers are the foot soldiers in OSS and their role is mainly to profile households in order to identify community needs. The study was conducted to assess the effectiveness of OSS as a mechanism used to address poverty and unemployment in KwaZulu-Natal. The findings of this study suggest that all the OSS structures have already been set-up in the EThekwini Municipality but are marred with operational challenges such as absenteeism of key stakeholders, lack of necessary resources and other deficiencies and challenges. Indeed OSS has contributed meaningfully to job creation as there are Youth Ambassadors who are employed and given about R 1500 monthly stipend. OSS can also be commended for reducing the severity of poverty in the Municipality where poverty alleviation projects are afoot such as the One Home One garden campaign and communal gardens just to name a few. What transpired from the focus group discussions with different focus groups that form part of the study sample is that OSS is a viable model but it still needs to be reform especially in terms of creating a monitoring and evaluation unit and a system of accountability to ensure that members behave in acceptable standards.
Assessing the implications of South Africa's commercial expansion in the rest of Africa.
(2005) Lutchman, Jessica.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
No abstract available.
Assessing the role and capability of the peace and security council of the African Union in bringing about peace in Africa : a case study of Burundi and Sudan.
(2010) Sifolo, Ntandazo.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
This thesis examines the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) in light of the continental challenges of peace and security. It explores the prospects for the success of the PSC in its endeavours. The study’s central argument is that the PSC’s ability to successfully tackle peace and security challenges depends greatly on the cooperation of the fifteen members of the PSC as well as between the fifty-three African Union members and the international community at large, including the United Nations. This hypothesis is backed by the argument that although the PSC may be a practical translation of the theoretical statement that ‘African problems need African solutions’, the reality is that the PSC cannot achieve such an ambitious objective alone. The PSC’s enthusiasm should be bolstered by the requisite assistance from the international arena. The international community, especially the major players or countries in the international political spectrum, are challenged to work together with the PSC in its quest for African peace and security. The members of the international community are called upon to discontinue their parallel peace and security initiatives in Africa in favour of supporting and strengthening the PSC’s ongoing initiatives. Another critical point raised in the study is that the UN’s brief to cultivate world peace and security obliges it to buttress the PSC’s initiatives, the home-grown regional solutions to Africa’s inherent peace and security challenges. This support should include the UN’s engagement at all levels with the newly created African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Indeed, the moral challenge for the international community is to support Africa’s already demonstrated political will with the necessary assistance. This study advocates political and economic cooperation, resource mobilisation and provision of the relevant expertise. The validity of the study’s hypothesis has been tested and confirmed by means of a deeper inquiry into the PSC’s normal business conduct, and a comparative analysis of the case studies relating to the PSC’s interventions in Burundi and in Sudan’s Darfur region. This study of those interventions has illuminated the PSC’s opportunities and challenges: on the one hand, it has revealed that the PSC’s authority and legitimacy are not challenged, at least in Africa. On the other hand, however, it has lent support to the thesis that the PSC cannot go it alone - a conclusion that has encouraged the entire AU to find ways of challenging the UN to own up to its obligations. The PSC has made noteworthy strides in assisting to streamline and coordinate the support and engagement it receives from the international community. The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted before other PSC support structures (the African Standby Force and the Continental Early Warning System) were fully operational. The study thus could not assess the full potential of the PSC. Nonetheless, the study has sought to identify potential or latent challenges which could hamper the PSC’s success, whether its support structures are fully operational or not. In the end, the study recommends greater coordination and cooperation between the PSC and major international actors including the UN.
An assessment of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policies against Boko Haram.
(2017) Faluyi, Olumuyiwa Temitope.; Khan, Sultan.; Akinola, Adeoye Ologuntoye.
Boko Haram has perpetrated its terrorist acts within Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin since 2009. This has drawn local and international attention. The modus operandi of the sect has taken the forms of shootings, kidnappings and use of Improvised Explosive Devices. The Nigerian government has responded to the Boko Haram quagmire. However, despite government’s response, the sect has continued to unleash its terror. This study seeks to assess government’s counter-terrorism policies against Boko Haram. This culminated into the generation of salient questions like what the policies are, factors that informed government’s rationale for adopting these policies, how effective the policies have been and how government can have pro active strategies to address the Boko Haram crisis. Systems and state fragility theories were used as the theoretical lens that guided the study. The systems theory was used to explain factors that informed the adoption of government’s counter-terrorism polices and why feedback is necessary. The feedback is necessary in order to discover flaws in a policy so that such flaws can be addressed and better polices can be made and implemented. This is the thrust of this study. The state fragility theory was used to explain how the weakness of the Nigerian state aided the emergence of Boko Haram and has also affected Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policies in mitigating the excesses of Boko Haram. The weakness of the Nigerian state is hinged on weak state institutions which has manifested through economic inequality, poverty, porosity of border, brutality of the security apparatus and political instability. The study adopted qualitative data analysis method. This was actualised through the review and assessment of journals, books, reports, newspapers and media reports. The study assessed National Counter-Terrorism Strategy and the Legislative Acts directed towards counter-terrorism in order to have a robust assessment. The policies are deemed weak due to poor implementation caused by weak state institutions. The manifestations of a fragile state were seen as factors responsible for the non optimal performance of these policies in the course of implementation. The need to strengthen state institutions was given as suggestion on how to make the policies work effectively.
An assessment of rotational presidency as a mechanism for political stability in Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
(2018) Oladele, Olayemi Emmanuel.; Ettang, Dorcas Oyebisi.
The study examined the rationale for the introduction of power rotation principle in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and its operational modalities within the ambit of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution. It also examined the relationship between power rotation and the stability of Nigeria’s political system, the challenges militating against the use of power rotation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic as well as the relationship between power rotation and democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. These were to contribute to the discourse on power rotation and its effect on political stability and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The study adopted both descriptive and exploratory methods. Descriptive method, which is a form of qualitative research, was used to describe the phenomenon that leads to the agitation for power rotation formula. The exploratory method was used as a historical method in tracing the genesis of ethnic rivalries and domination of the presidential position that culminates in the agitation for power rotation formula in Nigeria. The study also used secondary sources that relied extensively on the use of relevant textbooks, scholarly peer-reviewed journal articles, and internet materials. The data retrieved in this study were analysed using a content analysis of the secondary data. The study found that power rotation was introduced to address the problems of hegemonies, marginalisation, and domination of one region over others to reduce instability in the Nigerian polity. The study also revealed that the operational modalities of presidential power rotation became pronounced during the 1994/95 National Constitutional Conference (NCC) established by Decree No. (3) 1994. Despite this, the study found that power rotation was never incorporated in the present 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The study shows that the idea of power rotation is a winner takes all system because it gives power in totality to a group for a particular or planned period. The Winner takes all system involves entire control of power by a group and these limits electoral choice which is detrimental to democracy and harmful to a developing nation like Nigeria. While the researcher is not outrightly rejecting the idea of power rotation, the study is sceptical about the intention behind the strategy because the political elites in the country see it as a mechanism to hijack political power and hold tenaciously to it. For this reason, the demand for power rotation tends to breed more conflict than resolve it. The study concluded that though the idea of power rotation formula serves as a suitable mechanism for accommodating diverse ethnic groups in presidential office and has the potential for stabilising the polity; it is also dangerous for developing democracy in Nigeria because of the greed and immaturity of the political elites.
An assessment of the African Union mission in Somalia's role in conflict transformation in Somalia.
(2015) Davies, Olivia Victoria.; Narsiah, Inbersagran.
Somalia has experienced protracted conflict since 1991. A number of peace enforcement operations were undertaken to bring stability to the country but they encountered difficult conditions resulting to the withdrawal of peacekeeping forces. Following the struggle for control of Somalia among armed groups, countries closer to Somalia were forced to intervene because their security was threatened. During this period, there was a continental arrangement to conduct peace operations in Africa. As a result, an African Union (AU) Peace Support Operations (PSOs) was deployed in Somalia. The mission called the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) came at a time when Somalia had undergone a series of peace and reconciliation conferences, and had to ensure that the activities of armed groups was curbed in order to bring stability to Somalia. Although the mission has faced a significant number of challenges, it is important to take note of its achievements. AMISOM has managed to recruit peacekeepers from a range of African countries to fight against the militant group called Al-Shabaab. In March 2011 it started a military campaign to support the then Transitional Federal Government (TGF) forces to retake Mogadishu and the whole of Somalia from Al-Shabaab. This initiative illustrates that the mission is making an effort to articulate and push the extension of state authority in Somalia, in an effort to bring stability to the state. Given the prospect of the mission to succeed, it is important that the root causes are addressed in order to avoid a relapse into violent conflict. This research employs the use of conflict transformation theory, to assess AMISOM’s contribution to Somalia’s conflict transformation, by looking at transformative elements or activities that are addressing the root causes of the conflict. The use of this theoretical argument will help to determine the extent to which AMISOM has contributed to Somalia’s conflict transformation. AMISOM is the lead player in transforming the conflict. It is important for the mission to analyse its role; its successes; to reflect on gaps; and redesign approaches. This may be required so that a relapse into violence may be avoided. The aim of the research therefore is to examine AMISOM’s contribution to ending the conflict in Somalia, with reference to its role in addressing the root causes of the conflict directly or indirectly as its implements its mandate. The main objectives of the research are to examine AMISOMs contribution to ending the conflict in Somalia, identify initiatives which AMISOM can undertake to transform the conflict and provide concrete recommendations on the role of AMISOM in transforming the conflict in Somalia. At the end of the study, the research finds that AMISOM has brought some amount of stability to Mogadishu, where ordinary populations are conducting businesses on normal basis. The research also finds that the mission’s activities are largely focused on counter- insurgency strategies; the expansion of Somalia’s state authority, capacity building of security forces, civil service, and the protection of the government.
An assessment of the implementation of the Batho Pele principles in waste management and water services in uMsunduzi Local Municipality.
(2020) Mnandi, Nangipha.; Mnguni, Sandile Innocent.; Gwala, Sbusisiwe Philile.
Government policy has been an integral component of service delivery in the democratic dispensation. Since 1994, service delivery has been a top priority for the government, which has acknowledged it as a tool to reduce poverty and gear, South Africa, towards becoming a developmental state. Through its admission, the government has acknowledged that service delivery is a continuous challenge that the government is working towards overcoming and improving by introducing more policies and streamlining services and restructuring certain departments. Challenges of this nature have been mainly evident in the local government level where municipalities, across the country, have been declared dysfunctional and therefore, unable to render essential services to its people. The Msunduzi local municipality is a perfect illustration of that where this embattled municipality has undergone several managerial changes and the recalling of two mayors in less than five years due to persistent challenges that continue to cripple the municipality. It is against this backdrop that this master’s dissertation looks to assess the implementation of Batho-Pele principles concerning waste and water services in the uMsunduzi municipality. The study is done by adopting a qualitative methodological study consisting of seven interviews interviews with key stakeholders from the uMsunduzi local municipality and the KwaZulu-Natal department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs. This project uses the theory of good governance and public administration, which establishes that Batho-Pele principles have, for the most part, been neglected in the municipality and has directly resulted in the significant decline in the provision of critical waste removal and water services amongst others. Moreover, the study also finds that the municipality has not been able to adhere to key principles of good governance and public administration, which also contributed to the challenges that currently confront the municipality. This study further makes recommendations about the improvement of service delivery, which includes strict adherence to Batho-Pele principles. Furthermore, the strengthening of monitoring and evaluation capacity at local government level and the professionalization of public services to ensure that the most suitable public servants are appointed based on merit and so that the municipality provides the best possible services which are embodied by the Batho-Pele principles and enshrined in the constitution.

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