Doctoral Degrees (History)

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An analytical survey of the political career of Leander Starr Jameson, 1900-1912.
(1979) Siepman, Milton Ralph.
No abstract available.
The arms and armour of the armies of Antiochus III from the Median Revolt to the Battle of Magnesia (221-190 BC)
(2020) Du Plessis, Jean Charl.( Embargoed).; De Souza, Philip.; Hilton, John Laurence.
By the time Antiochus III inherited the throne, the Seleucid empire, plagued by political infighting and revolts, was crumbling around him. Setting out to restore his kingdom to its former extent from Thrace in the west, to the river Indus in the east, Antiochus was opposed by numerous enemies whose armies and cultures were as diverse as the lands he ruled. At the heart of the king’s ambition stood the Seleucid armies, the tools with which he planned to restore his kingdom to its former glory. The Seleucid armies enabled Antiochus to re-establish his dominion and overcome all his enemies, until he came up against the power of Rome in 190 BC. This thesis is an evaluation of the effectiveness of the arms and armour of the various troop types of Seleucid armies during the restoration campaigns of Antiochus III between 221 and 190 BC. The primary focus of the thesis falls on the material culture and experimental archaeology of the period. This study incorporates a thorough analysis of the archaeological, iconographical, epigraphical and literary evidence, supported by a critical evaluation of modern scholarship on the armies of Antiochus III. After a brief introduction and literature review (Chapter 1), Part One begins with an examination of the Seleucid phalanx (Chapter 2), while Chapter 3 builds upon it by taking the practical approach of exploring the synaspismos defensive formation of the phalanx by means of archaeological experimentation. Chapter 4 assesses the guard cavalry and regular citizen cavalry. In part Two, the troop types and strategic roles of the auxiliary forces are discussed in Chapter 5 and 6 which are supported by two chapters (Chapters 7 and 8) of experimental archaeology, which examine the effectiveness of javelins and slings on ancient battlefields. In Part Three Chapter 9 discusses the ‘terror’ weapons deployed by the Seleucids -- elephants and scythed chariots. Finally, in Part Four, Chapter 10 examines the battles fought by the Seleucid armies of Antiochus III while Chapter 11 is an overall assessment of the army. The Seleucid armies of Antiochus III were some of the most effective military forces of the ancient world thanks to five crucial elements: (1) the large pool of manpower from which to draw soldiers, (2) the enormous wealth that Antiochus had at his disposal to equip, train and maintain armies, (3) the logistical skills and organisation of the armed forces on campaign, (4) the diversity of troop types and combined arms strategies, and (5) the persona and imperialistic ideology of Antiochus III.
Bound by faith: a biographic and ecclesiastic examination (1898-1967) of Chief Albert Luthuli's stance on violence as a strategy to liberate South Africa.
(2008) Couper, Scott Everett.; Breckenridge, Keith.; Khumalo, Vukile.; Khumalo, Vukile.; Breckenridge, Keith.
Much public historical mythology asserts that Chief Albert Luthuli, the onetime leader of Africa's oldest liberation movement, launched an armed struggle on the very eve he returned to South Africa after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. This profound irony engenders what is arguably one of the most relevant and controversial historical debates in South African as some recent scholarship suggests Luthuli did not countenance the armed movement. Today, Luthuli remains a figure of great contestation due to his domestic and international prominence and impeccable moral character. Icons of the liberation struggle, political parties and active politicians understand their justification for past actions and their contemporary relevance to be dependent upon a given historical memory of Luthuli. Often that memory is not compatible with the archival record. Contrary to a nationalist inspired historical perspective, this investigation concludes that Luthuli did not support the initiation of violence in December 1961. Evidence suggests that Luthuli only reluctantly yielded to the formation (not the initiation) of an armed movement months before the announcement in October 1961 that he would be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1961. After the announcement, Luthuli vociferously argued against the use of violence until April 1962. From April 1962 to his death in 1967, Luthuli only advocated non-violent methods and did not publicly support or condemn the use of violence. Congregationalism imbedded within Luthuli the primacy of democracy, education, multiracialism and egalitarianism, propelling him to the heights of political leadership prior to 1961. Following 1961 these same seminal emphases rendered Luthuli obsolete as a political leader within an increasingly radicalised, desperate and violent environment. The author argues that not only did the government drastically curtail Luthuli's ability to lead, but so did his colleagues in the underground structures ofthe Congresses' liberation movement, rendering him only the titular leader ofthe African National Congress until his death. While Luthuli's Christian faith provided the vigour for his political success, it engendered the inertia for his political irrelevance following the launch of violence. By not supporting the African National Congress' initiation of the violent movement, Luthuli's political career proved to be 'bound by faith'.
Constraints on multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe: opposition politics and Zanu-PF (1980-2015).
(2018) Rwodzi, Aaron; Vahed, Goolam Hoosen Mohamed.
This study is informed by Gramsci’s hegemony theory complemented by instrumentalism to analyse the constraints on multiparty democracy under the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government. Zimbabwe since independence in 1980 was led by President Robert Gabriel Mugabe for 37 years up to 2017 when the military edifice deposed him. Electoral contests between the Mugabe-led ZANU-PF and pro-democratic opposition parties, inclusive of those that were formed out of ZANU-PF, gave the opposition no chance of gaining power. The closest the opposition came to winning was the March 2008 harmonised elections when the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) broke ZANU-PF parliamentary hegemony, and when Morgan Tsvangirai beat Mugabe for president, only to be prevented from forming a government on grounds of electoral technicalities. This dissertation is premised on the constraints on the institutionalisation of multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe. It analyses the efficacy of the growing opposition to ZANU-PF rule and how the liberation narrative espoused by ZANU-PF critically hampered the development of democratic traditions. This dissertation contributes to our understanding of attendant challenges to effective multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe in view of the military takeover in 2017. It is a study that transcends the narrow confines of analysing ZANU-PF alone and blaming it for mayhem in the country. Rather, the research posits that the governance crisis in Zimbabwe is a shared responsibility. The shortcomings in the objectives, strategies and modus operandi of opposition political parties in Zimbabwe and the strength of ZANU-PF are analysed. The extent to which opposition parties were sponsored by western countries to effect regime change, and the extent to which their political programmes were largely driven and shaped by internal considerations and reflected the ‘will of the people’, were evaluated. The thesis considers ethnic divisions and post-independence inheritances in making conflict inevitable. It argues that ZANU-PF built up strong liberation narratives designed to entrench its hegemony, with media portrayal of opposition parties and ZANU-PF to serve different ends. Finally, the role of the military in Zimbabwean politics, oftentimes characterised by unremitting violence, is considered as militating against peaceful democratic politics and a smooth political transition after the 2018 elections.
The Customs Tariff and the development of secondary industry in South Africa with special reference to the period 1924-1939.
(1974) Lumby, Anthony Bernard.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.; Allan, I. K.
No abstract available
Daily struggles : private print media, the state, and democratic governance in Zimbabwe in the case of the Africa Daily News (1956-1964) and the Daily News (1999-2003).
(2014) Dombo, Sylvester.; Waetjen, Thembisa Mary Ann.
This thesis employs Jurgen Habermas’ theory of public sphere as an analytical tool to consider the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, functioning under repressive political regimes and in the absence of credible opposition political parties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964 and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played a fundamental role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Each was ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The thesis examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an ‘ideal’ public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. It considers issues of class and geography in shaping public response. The thesis also focuses on state reactions to the activities of these newspapers and how these, in turn, affected the activities of private media actors. Finally, it considers the cases together to consider the meanings of the closing down of these newspapers during the two eras under discussion and contributes to the debates about print media vis-a-vis the new forms of media that have come to the fore.
The destruction and remarking of 'community' : a case study of the magazine barracks residents' relocation to Chatsworth.
(2016) Gopalan, Karthigasen.; Vahed, Goolam Hoosen Mohamed.
The forced removals resulting from the implementation of the National Party Government’s Group Areas Act (1950) have had drastic implications for millions of South Africans across the country. Not surprisingly, there is a rich body of research on the motives, as well as the political and economic consequences, of this destructive piece of legislation. This study sought to move beyond these broader approaches which examined Group Areas from at a macro-level, by focusing specifically on the subjective experiences of one particular social group, who were affected by forced removals and how they rebuilt their lives. It focuses on South Africans of Indian decent (hitherto referred to as Indians) who were employed by the Durban Corporation, and lived in the Magazine Barracks which was one of several labour barracks located around the city of Durban during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From the 1880s, low-paid Indian municipal employees lived in overcrowded conditions in the poorly built barracks. However, they adjusted to this lifestyle and devised mechanisms to cope with their daily challenges through voluntary networks and a strong culture of sharing and self-help. During the 1960s, the approximately 10 000 residents of the Magazine Barracks were displaced and relocated to Chatsworth, where they were split up and accommodated in different sections of the mammoth housing scheme. This has had drastic implications for former residents of the barracks and this study probes into the ways in which they responded to laws which were impose upon them.
Durban 1824-1910 : the formation of a settler elite and its role in the development of a colonial city.
(1994) Bjorvig, Anna Christina.; Laband, John.; Thompson, Paul Singer.
The formation of a settler elite and its role in colonial Durban's urban development between 1854 and 1910 have been studied. In this instance of early colonial capitalism, local business leaders readily established an intimate connection between economic and political power. Many of them used their position on the Durban Town Council, formed in 1854, to wield preponderant civic influence and become the driving force in the development of the town. The nature of this settler elite has been investigated in terms of the theories of social stratification, formulated along Weberian lines. Following the institutionalization of power arrangements these leading settlers were legally acknowledged as a governing elite. Durban provided the setting in which metropolitan institutions, activity patterns and environments could be introduced and maintained, as dictated by the underlying value-system of the British settlers. The colonial city of Durban hereby not only demonstrated the appearance of a civilization, but also the mutual interaction between man's behaviour and his culturally modified environment. The ruling elite regarded the beautification of the urban environment as part of their civic responsibilities in this city-building process. Such a civic pride was especially applied in Durban to the building of impressive Town Halls and public buildings. These leaders also played a decisive role with regard to harbour improvements, railways, tramways, electricity supply, telephone services and sanitary improvements. Following a historical pattern of colonial urban development, Durban became another British city in Africa. Yet it possessed local features which made it atypical, if not unique, in a South African context. The driving force and way of life of the town during the colonial period was clearly British.
The Federal Party, 1953-1962 : an English-speaking reaction to Afrikaner nationalism.
(1979) Reid, Brian Lawrence.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.
No abstract available.
From genocide to Gacaca : historical and socio-political dynamics of identities in the late twentieth century in Rwanda : the perspective of the Durban based Rwandese.
(2008) Shongwe, Emelda Dimakatso.; Sithole, Mpilenhle Pearl.
In April 1994 Rwanda encountered the most gruesome political conflict, which was widely motivated by decades of ethnic tension, and resulted in the massive participation of ordinary Hutus slaughtering Tutsis, who are a minority along with the so-called moderate Hutus. Large numbers of ordinary Rwandans became killers, some willingly and some by force. About one million Rwandans, mostly Tutsis, lost their lives during the killings. Hence this historic event was declared to be genocide. The post-genocide government of Paul Kagame has been faced with the mission not only to reconcile the nation but also to forge a justice system that will assure Rwandans and those who committed crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity will be punished appropriately. It is outmost important to note that emphasis on justice in cases such as Rwandan genocide might be seen to be most desirable to victims in particular. This idea can be more dangerous particularly if the process takes place in an atmosphere which is characterised by political environment which is oppressive and autocratic. Realising the complexity of the conflict and inability of the conventional justice system to in dealing with the massive cases of people alleged to have participated in the killings or committed crime of genocide. The victims impatiently sought not only justice but answers to what has happened to their loved ones. On the other hand those labeled as perpetrators also wanted to clear their names since some of them believed that they were wrongfully accused and the process was taking too long. The Rwandan government was left with no option and decided to reintroduce the traditional justice system called the Gacaca. The Gacaca system was not only pioneered to render justice to the victims and those wrongfully accused but to reconcile as well as bring peace to the Rwandan society. This study is therefore aimed at providing a comprehensive and compelling explanation of the process and the operations of the Gacaca tribunals. Thus by means of both historical and empirical analysis, the study hopes to determine the challenges confronting the system and the promise it holds, if any, and to recommend the need to adopt and adapt to an approach which is wider and more integrated in dealing with reconciliation in the region. To accomplish this study, data was predominantly sourced from primary sources such as media reports and personal interviews with Rwandan community living in Durban, South Africa. The study revealed that the Rwandan genocide was marked by overwhelming public participation which makes Rwandan conflict even more complex. Killing was seen as work, as well as fulfilling the country's duty. On the other hand not killing was viewed as betrayal especially for thousands of peasants. Almost the entire population took part in the killings. The Gacaca is a unique approach of trying genocide perpetrators adopted in Rwanda. In this thesis I argue that it is through examination of different historical and social factors that the relevance of the Gacaca can be assessed. Furthermore my argument is that Rwanda needs a multi-faceted approach to confront complex problems that it faces politically and socially.
From Stinkibar to Zanzibar : disease, medicine and public health in colonial urban Zanzibar, 1870-1963.
(2009) Issa, Amina Ameir.; Parle, Julie.
Until recently, scholars of Zanzibar history have not greatly focused on study the history of disease, western medicine and public health in the colonial period. This thesis covers these histories in urban Zanzibar from 1870 to 1963. In addition, it looks at the responses of the urban population to these Western-originated medical and public health facilities during the colonial period. The thesis starts by exploring history of Zanzibar Town during the nineteenth century looking at the expansion of trade and migration of people and how new pathogens were introduced. Local diseases became more serious due to population expansion. I also examine the arrival, introduction and consolidation of Western medical practices. The establishment of hospitals, the training of doctors and nurses and the extension of these facilities to the people are all discussed, as are anti-smallpox, bubonic plague, malaria and sanitation programmes before and after the Second World War. The thesis argues that the colonial government introduced medical institutions in urban Zanzibar with various motives. One of the main reasons was to control disease and ensure the health of the population. The anti-malarial, smallpox and bubonic plague campaigns are an example of how the government tackled these issues. The introduction of preventive measures was also important. The Quarantine Station, the Infectious Diseases Hospital and the Government General Hospitals were established. Other facilities were the Mental Hospitals and Leprosaria. The work of extending medical services was not only done by missionaries and the colonial state but was in great measure through the contribution of Zanzibari medical philanthropists, community, religious and political leaders. Mudiris, Shehas, family members and political parties also played a significant role. In the twentieth century, newspapers owned by individuals and political parties and community associations played a major role too. Zanzibari medical doctors, nurses, orderlies, ayahs, public health staffs were cultural brokers who facilitated the extension of biomedicine and public health measures. By the end of the British colonial rule in Zanzibar in 1963 Western medicine was an important therapeutic option for the people not only in urban Zanzibar but also in both Unguja and Pemba islands.
A history of migrant labourers from Swaziland to South Africa 1920-1995=Umlando Wabasebenzi Abafudukayo besuka eSwazini beya eNingizimu Afrika 1920-1995.
(2022) Matsenjwa, Mbongiseni Bhekithemba.; Hiralal, Kalpana.
This thesis examines the historical patterns and trends in mine labour migration to South Africa between 1920 and 1995. It explores the socio-economic impact on the lives of Swazi migrants and their families and societies. Previous studies on Swazi migrant labour are limited in scope and did not sufficiently focus on the factors that shaped migrancy particularly its relationship with Swazi miners, ex-miners, and their dependents. This thesis, therefore, sets out to fill the gap in the historiography of Swaziland. In writing this thesis the author relied on archival sources from Swaziland National Archives, documents retrieved from migrant offices, Annual Reports, books, and newspaper articles. These documentary sources were critically analysed and complemented with oral interviews with ex-migrants, miners, labour officers, and the dependences of migrants. The thesis was underpinned by the Marxist theoretical model and the social history theory to highlight the voices of the marginalised. The study reveals the different strategies used by recruiting agents to entice Swazi labour, and the trends of mine labour migrancy. It also reveals the competition for unskilled labour and the Swazi migrant’s experiences of working in the South African Rand mines. This thesis has also addressed social issues and how migrancy affected families left behind. It further reveals the impact of Voluntary Deferred Pay (VDP) on Swazi miners and its impact on the ex-miners and their dependents. This study seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge of migrant labour studies, focusing on Swaziland in particular and Southern Africa in general. The study promotes international migration as an important phenomenon in socioeconomic factors of sending societies such as Swaziland. It adds to the histories of sub-Saharan Africa, thus adding new perspectives to the growing literature on the migrant labour history of Swaziland. It also fills a gap in the historiography of labour migration as it covers a longitudinal period, colonial to the post-colonial period. Iqoqa Le-thesisi ihlola amaphethini omlando kanye nezimo zokufuduka kwabasebenzi basezimayini eNingizimu Afrika phakathi kuka-1920 no-1995. Ihlola umthelela wezenhlalo-mnotho ezimpilweni zabafuduki baseSwazini kanye nemindeni yabo. Izifundo zangaphambilini ezimayelana nomsebenzi wokufuduka eSwazini zinomkhawulo futhi azizange zigxile ngokwanele ezicini ezakha ukufuduka ikakhulukazi ubudlelwano bayo nabavukuzi baseSwazini, ababengabavukuzi, kanye nalabo ababethembele kubo. Ngakho-ke, le thesisi ihlose ukuvala igebe embhalweni womlando waseSwazini. Ekubhaleni le thesisi umbhali uthembele emithonjeni egciniwe evela e-Swaziland National Archives, imibhalo ethathwe emahhovisi abokufika, imibiko yonyaka, izincwadi, nezindatshana zamaphephandaba. Le mithombo yamadokhumentari yahlaziywa ngokujulile futhi yahambisana nezingxoxo zomlomo nabafuduki, abavukuzi, izikhulu zabasebenzi, kanye nabancikile kwabafuduki. Le-thesisi yasekelwa imodeli yethiyori ye-Marxist kanye nethiyori yomlando wenhlalo ukugqamisa amazwi abantu ababencishwe amathuba. Ucwaningo luveza amasu ahlukene asetshenziswa ama-ejensi aqashayo ukuze alinge abasebenzi baseSwazini, kanye nemikhuba yokufuduka kwabasebenzi basezimayini. Iphinde iveze ukuncintisana kwabasebenzi abangenamakhono kanye nolwazi lomfuduki waseSwazini lokusebenza ezimayini zaseNingizimu Afrika zamaRandi. Le-thesisi iphinde yakhuluma ngezindaba zomphakathi kanye nokuthi ukufuduka kuyithinta kanjani imindeni eshiywe ngemuva. Iphinde iveze umthelela we-Voluntary Deferred Pay (VDP) kubavukuzi baseSwazini kanye nomthelela wayo kwababengabavukuzi kanye nalabo ababethembele kubo. Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukufaka isandla olwazini olukhona lwezifundo zabasebenzi bokufika, olugxile eSwazini ikakhulukazi kanye naseNingizimu Afrika jikelele. Ucwaningo lukhuthaza ukufuduka kwamanye amazwe njengento ebalulekile ezicini zezenhlalo nezomnotho zokuthumela imiphakathi efana neyaseSwazini. Kwengeza emlandweni we-Afrika eseningizimu yeSahara, ngaleyo ndlela kwengeza imibono emisha emibhalweni ekhulayo ngomlando wezabasebenzi baseSwazini. Iphinde igcwalise igebe embhalweni womlando wokufuduka kwabasebenzi njengoba ihlanganisa inkathi yobude, ubukoloni kuya esikhathini sangemva kobukoloni.
A history of political violence in KwaShange, Vulindlela district and of its effects on the memories of survivors (1987-2008)
(2013) Mchunu, Mxolisi R.; Denis, Philippe Marie Berthe Raoul.; Khumalo, Vukile.
The political violence and vigilante activities that characterised Natal and Zululand between 1985 and 1996 had numerous causes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 contributed to the rise of vigilantism and political violence. The formation of the Congress of the South African Trade Union (COSATU) in 1985 compounded this situation. Both these movements were known to be sympathetic to the African National Congress (ANC), which was still banned at the time of their formation; hence they had similar objectives to the ANC. During this time, Inkatha was the only strong Black political movement in the country, and particularly in Natal and Zululand. The Inkatha movement and its leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi regarded the formation of the UDF and COSATU in 1985 as a challenge to the hegemony of Inkatha in the region, following his fall-out with the ANC leadership in exile. Local leadership of political movements, namely, UDF and COSATU on one hand and Inkatha on the other, mobilised their support-base and took arms against each other. The lifting of the State of Emergency in 1986 intensified political violence and vigilante activities in the region. The Natal Midlands’ violence saw a high number of deaths and causalities. Local communities as well such as Vulindlela suffered a great deal. Clan faction fights were characteristic of KwaShange in the period 1940s-1970s, but from the late 1980s onwards (especially 1987) political unrest and struggle against the Nationalist apartheid regime changed into conflict between Inkatha and the UDF, which gradually worsened into civil war. In the course of my previous studies in KwaShange I discovered that the violence had impacted upon families and inter-generational relationships. According to some senior residents’ thinking, a number of youths were ill disciplined. Issues of disciplining of youths had obscured the political struggle and violence, making it hard to disentangle them. When researching memories of the violence, I found that persons spoke of different incidents within this struggle period and described their violent nature and how it had impacted on families’ survival, both psychologically and physically. The interviewees kept saying that it was hard to forget the memories engendered by their horrific experiences. The South African Government was accused of secretly provoking acts of violence in Natal and Zululand and was furthermore accused of having sent IFP troops to the Caprivi in Namibia for training in guerrilla combat. The Government later acknowledged this, explaining that the Natal Legislature needed specially trained forces for its officials. The unbanning of political parties and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 saw KwaZulu- Natal entering a new phase of random vigilante activities and violence. The security forces (the South African Police and the South African Defence Force) were accused of supporting IFP vigilantes. All this led to the “Seven Days War” in 1990 in the Midlands, particularly in KwaVulindlela. In KwaShange this violence, from 1986 until 1996, created divisions in families and the community. Many people lost their lives. All efforts to put an end to the violence and vigilantism failed. The announcement that the first democratic election in South Africa was to be held in 1994 triggered more violence in Vulindlela. Exhaustion in the area, and a national climate which promoted peace were elements which eventually brought the conflict to an end. Socially and economically, the area is still experiencing problems. Survivors and generations born during and after the turmoil talk about endless psychological and emotional suffering born during this turmoil. My contention is that trauma experienced as a result of this violence and its consequences influenced the lives of all persons affected by it, and that this was transmitted across generations, through whole families and communities. It must be realized that these people and their families were affected for a long time, and many are still traumatised. The social structure of the community has been affected by it and by implication that of successive generations will also be affected. This study describes and analyses political violence in KwaShange and investigates how it is remembered by the survivors. It also attempts to answer the question of how communities, families and individuals survived these traumatic experiences, how they coped (or failed to cope) with their experiences, both then and fifteen years after the end of violence. By focusing on KwaShange as a case study of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, I hope to determine what was in play in the province, and find a common pattern underlying the dynamics of the conflicts. Pre-civil war divisions have not, up to the present, been confronted, and these fuelled the political affiliations that were a response to the struggle against the apartheid regime.
The idea of a hermeneutic of history.
(1982) Posel, Rosalind.; Horton, Weldon J.; Stofberg, J. A.
Constantly confronted by history, man has what may be termed a natural impulse to make sense of the past. And indeed, the past cannot be understood without also understanding the present. Thus that fundamental historical impulse is profoundly philosophical in the Socratic sense. It is because hermeneutics explicitly identifies itself with the Socratic tradition, that my attempt to elucidate the nature of written history as an academic discipline has been located within a hermeneutic point of view. In the course of this thesis I refer to several major debates in social theory. However, I make no pretense at covering these debates fully. They are cited insofar as they bear on issues arising in the development of the idea of a hermeneutic of history.
The levying of forced African labour and military service by the colonial state of Natal.
(1995) Machin, Ingrid Mary.; Guest, William Rupert.; Edgecombe, D. Ruth.
Abstract available in pdf file.
Memories of everyday life and forced removals in South Africa: a case study of Cato Manor, Durban, c. 1930-1960.
(2020) Ngidi, Mphumeleli Aubrey.; Vahed, Goolam Hoosen Mohamed.
This study interrogates the historical geography of Cato Manor in Durban which, like District Six in the Cape and Sophiatown in Gauteng has a deeply entrenched history of community destruction under the infamous Group Areas Act of 1950, which pioneered forced removals. Passed by the orchestrators of apartheid, the National Party (NP) government, this Act destroyed many established multi-racial communities to serve its purpose of building separate communities based on racial categorisation; that is, Whites, Africans, Indians, and Coloureds. Cato Manor, popularly known as Mkhumbane and located a few kilometres from Durban, was witness to forced removals where a long-settled community of Africans and Indians, and a small number of Coloureds, who had lived together for many years were resettled and relocated to townships such as KwaMashu and Umlazi for Africans, and Chatsworth and Phoenix for Indians. The study examines Cato Manor’s historical development and offers insights into the legacy of segregation from the pre-apartheid era. In examining everyday life in Cato Manor/Mkhumbane, a picture emerges of how former residents developed a sense of place, establishing religious institutions, schools, community halls and various welfare support organisations, notwithstanding the myriad of challenges they faced. Mkhumbane emerged as one the epicentres for the production of a vibrant popular culture among Africans in Durban. Beer brewing and the consumption of beer was a central component of this culture and was the main economic strategy through which many urban African women survived. The bosses and apartheid authorities wanted African men to drink, but on their terms. They sought a monopoly of the beer trade by brewing the beer and selling it in their beer halls and did not tolerate home brewing by women as it constituted an economic threat to the state, and gave women a freedom that the state could not countenance. Beer became a compelling reason for raids in townships and hostels across the country. When women’s livelihoods came under threat they took to the streets to protect their socio-economic interests. The 1949 riots were a major episode in Cato Manor’s history. Memories of the tensions between African and Indian communities from 1949 continue to impact race relations in the contemporary period, and this study investigates how this conflict is remembered today. One of its concerns is the evolution of the Group Areas Act in Durban and how its implementation contributed to the destruction of Cato Manor, the relocation of its residents, socio-political, economic and cultural conditions in KwaMashu where many Cato Manor residents were resettled, how the forcibly removed residents negotiated challenges in their new environments, and how this process of relocation is remembered by displaced people. Oral history is an important research tool in this study. While there are many macro studies on the impact of forced relocations nationally, this study focuses on a sample of individuals at a personal level, and, using the qualitative methodology of oral history, reconstructs the impact of forced relocations at a micro level to enhance understanding of the removals. In addition to oral history, local newspapers in the Zulu language form a key part of the interpretation of the life and times in Cato Manor. The study considers the reliability of oral history as a source of information, its value, and how it can transform how we study the past when it is moved from the margins to the centre of historical research. It is a vital means to capture respondents’ memories as well as their experiences of the near past. Oral history can play a crucial role in documenting the story of marginalised communities and in the process adding to social history narratives in the KwaZulu-Natal region.
No easy walk : building diplomacy in the history of the relationship between the African National Congress of South Africa and the United States of America, 1945-1987.
(2008) Ramdhani, Narissa.; Burns, Catherine E.
This dissertation examines the attempts of the African National Congress
The origins of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
(1995) Cope, Richard Lidbrook.; Garson, Noel.
Abstract available in the pdf file.
Our victory was our defeat : race, gender and liberalism in the union defence force, 1939-1945.
(2006) Chetty, Suryakanthie.; Du Toit, Marijke.; Burns, Catherine E.
The Second World War marked the point at which South Africa stood at a crossroads between the segregation which came before it and apartheid that came after. Over the past twenty years social historians have placed greater focus on this particular period of the Second World War in South Africa's history. This thesis takes this research as its starting point but moves beyond their more specific objectives (evident in the research on the war and medical services) to explore the South African experience of race and gender and, to some extent, class during the war and the immediate post-war era. This thesis has accorded this some importance due to the state's attempts, during and after the war, to control and mediate the war experience of its participants as well as the general public. Propaganda and war experience are thus key themes in this dissertation. This thesis argues that the war and the upheaval it wrought allowed for a re-imagining of a new post-war South Africa, however tentatively, that departed from the racial and gendered inequality of the past. This thesis traces the way in which the exodus of white men to the frontlines allowed white women to take up new positions in industry and in the auxiliary services. Similarly for the duration of the war black men — and women - were able to take advantage of the relaxation of influx control laws and the new job opportunities opening up to move in greater numbers to the urban areas. As this thesis has shown, black men were able to take advantage of the opportunity to prove their loyalty by enlisting in the various branches of the Non-European Army Services. This allowed them to work alongside white men and was integral in their demands for equal participation which signified equal citizenship. The way in which the war has been remembered and commemorated as well as the expectations and silences around the potential for liberation which the war symbolised for many South Africans, has been largely unexplored. This was pardy due to the memorialisation of the war taking on a private, personal and hence, hidden aspect. This thesis examines this memorialisation in its broadest sense, particularly as it applies to black men, their families and their communities. The thesis concludes by arguing that, by 1948, the possibilities for a new South Africa had been closed down and would remain so for almost fifty years. The Second World War was relegated to personal memory and public commemoration as the "last good war", a poignant reminder of a vision of equality which was not to be.
The political career of Sir Percy Fitzpatrick, 1895-1906.
(1973) Duminy, Andrew Hadley.; Horton, Weldon J.
No abstract available.

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