Doctoral Degrees (International and Public Affairs)

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A conceptual exploration of academic freedom and institutional autonomy in South African higher education : postmodernism, globalisation and quality assurance.
(2008) Webbstock, Denyse Jean.
This thesis proposes a conceptual framework for the discussion of concepts of academic freedom and institutional autonomy in a South African higher education context. A four-cell matrix is presented at the start of the thesis that distinguishes four types of understandings of these concepts. Having discussed these concepts-in-use in different contexts, the grid is used as a framework to explicate local debates on academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Beyond the conceptual exploration, the thesis traces a variety of broader debates in higher education in an attempt to add a richness to the South African conversations relating to academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Postmodernism and its implications for higher education in South Africa is explored, as is the more recent phenomenon (or ideology) of globalisation. Finally, the advent of external quality assurance in South Africa is considered and its role in changing perceptions of academic work and academic identity through the potential circumscribing of the academic domain is explored. My hope is that this thesis will contribute to a broadening and deepening of the current South African debates, and at the same time, offer a uniquely South African perspective on global conversations on academic freedom and institutional autonomy.
A policy analysis of curative health service delivery in North Darfur state, Sudan.
(2012) Yagoub, Abdallah Ibrahim Adam.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
This thesis analyses the policy of curative health service delivery in North Darfur State, Sudan. Several authors have analyzed health service delivery issues, mainly focusing on controlling the spread of common diseases. No work has been done that focuses on the health policy aspect and its contribution to improving curative health service delivery, especially in areas affected by conflict since 2003. This study contributes to the body of knowledge on the nature and the evolution of health service delivery systems management, as well as policy implementation, thereby widening the discussion about the further projections of this field of study. The main purpose of this thesis is to investigate how to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of curative health service delivery systems management, as well as policy implementation, in fostering socio-economic development in North Darfur State. The study focuses on how the national health system and national health policy of Sudan have been managed and implemented in North Darfur State. This thesis identifies the different health sectors, public, private and international NGOs, that provide curative health services in North Darfur State, and the difficulties that have been facing the population in accessing these health facilities. Investigations showed that curative health services are not adequate in the public sector, and that they are very expensive in the private sector. The exception is the NGO sector but it is not guaranteed to be sustainable in providing curative health services to poor and conflict-affected people. This thesis also identifies the mechanisms of health system management and policy implementation, by means of co-ordination and collaboration between the various government sectors, federal, state and district, in a decentralized system working in concert with international NGOs. The results show that there is poor co-ordination between the three levels of government, especially at district level, as well as poor collaboration between government and international NGOs, caused by government‟s lack of human and financial capacity. The potential for improvement in curative health service delivery are explored, particularly at district level. This is essential so that quality curative health services can be delivered to the population, thereby contributing to socio-economic development in North Darfur State.
Managing policy on broad-based black economic empowerment in the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.
(2013) Sibeta, Sixtus.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
This thesis examines the management of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) policy by the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Several authors have analyzed the policy on B-BBEE in South Africa, mainly focusing on the impact of the policy on the ‘actors’, and the ethical implications of the policy, but no research has been done on its policy implementation and management, particularly in the public service in South Africa. The central aim of this thesis is to investigate the organizational complexities surrounding how the policy on B-BBEE is managed by the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal. The study focuses on the three KwaZulu-Natal technical clusters: the economic sectors and infrastructure development, governance and administration, and the social protection, community & human development cluster. The thesis identifies various government departments in each cluster to examine how the policy on B-BBEE is managed. The investigation revealed that government has been successful in implementing some aspects of B-BBEE policy as the majority of blacks were holding key strategic positions within the provincial government. However, the provincial government was grappling with serious management challenges. This thesis explores instruments for policy management, that is, policy coordination, organizational transformation, organizational hierarchy, and policy communication. The results showed that much as the provincial government has been able to open up opportunities for black people there is still a long way to go in terms of transforming policy management structures, functions, processes, norms, values, procedures, organizational culture, and organizational decision-making in improving policy management. The study revealed that various government structures, functions, processes, procedures, norms, values and organizational culture are incompatible with B-BBEE policy objectives. Government decision-making is hierarchical which obstructs the management of B-BBEE policy implementation. Furthermore, B-BBEE policy is still yet to be institutionalized by most government organizations in the province.
An analysis of governance in further education and training colleges in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.
(2014) Juan, Andrea Liesel.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.; Stanton, Anne Sylvie.
The governance of Further Education and Training (FET) colleges in South Africa has been cited as an obstacle to the sector contributing to the developmental needs of the country. There has, however, been little academic research in this area. This thesis analyses the governance of FET colleges in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) by means of constructing a conceptual framework which examines governance from an organisational perspective and applies this framework to two FET colleges in the province. This is achieved through a largely qualitative methodology. The key question posed in this thesis is: Is the governance of FET colleges significantly affected by the environment? Through this investigation, this study is able to determine: (i) the external environmental characteristics that affect the governance of FET colleges; (ii) the effects of the external environment on FET colleges; (iii) how FET colleges respond to these external environmental demands; and (iv) why the FET colleges respond in the manner that they do. In answering the key question, the economic, political, policy and geographic environments in which FET colleges in the province operate are explored. It is concluded that the state of governance in these colleges is the result of external environmental influences and resource dependency. This investigation has highlighted that the external environment has placed demands on the system of further education, which has resulted in adaptive and avoidant governance practices in FET colleges that have been adopted out of necessity. While the study has not reported on all colleges in South Africa, it does identify factors that impact on the manner in which FET colleges are governed. The concern is raised that any national government interventions need to be cognisant of the policy implementation challenges that the external environment will impose on FET colleges. Failure to do so will lead to ongoing and increasing governance practices of avoidance and adaptation.
The nexus between the United Nations Security Council reform and peacebuilding in Africa.
(2015) Ekwealor, Chinedu Thomas.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
The nexus between the United Nations Security Council reform and peacebuilding in Africa is underpinned by the recognition that the Security Council is the supreme organ of the UN; and its reform saga is a conundrum to Africa’s peacebuilding and security praxis. In assortment of ways, this study observes that the Council is created in atmospheres of major realpolitik and has unrepentantly deprived the African continent for 70 seventy years, of meaningful contribution. As the harbinger for global peace and security, the Council lacks geographic representativity and is bias towards Africa’s real peace which has fanned insecurity paradigm in the continent. The study recognises that African inclusion into the permanent chambers of the Council will entrench Africa’s role for global security and armistice. The African exclusion matrix is a clearly-thought-out strategy of the imperial forces in the Permanent Five (P5) which has processed economic deprivation - making the continent perpetually dependent on imperial powers, and politically marginalised - keeping the same at the periphery of the pot of global politics since 1945. In the current global community, peace in Africa is a call of worldwide significance due largely to the observation that, conflicts in Africa accounts for over calculated 70% of world conflicts. Conflicts destroy the pillars for peace and terminate Africa’s interest to succeed in containing insecurity regime in the region and elsewhere. Conversely, lack of Council’s restructuring has reinforced insecurity regime, and exacerbated the dependency syndrome in the thinking-faculty of African leaders. Actually, some African nations are with necessary capabilities to become permanent members of the Security Council, but US and allies are against African inclusion on the altar of maintaining the status quo and retaining the exclusive core for a realist outlook that, the League of Nations and United Nations are children of World Wars I and II respectively. However, the study among other things learnt that dependency on external actors and marginalisation of Africa may continue until Africa speaks one word with one voice. That is, to demand permanent seat with veto or simultaneously withdraws membership from the UN through the AU’s common front. The study, essentially, extended the frontiers of existing knowledge and expanded the horizons of facts on the Security Council reform, and peacebuilding in Africa.
An examination of South Africa’s foreign policy towards Israel and Palestine after 1994, with a specific focus on the conflict between these two respective territories/countries.
(2016) Radebe, Themba Innocent.; Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard.
The Israel-Palestine Conflict, which fully broke out in 1948 after the United Nations officially recognized the State of Israel, has been dragging on for decades. Incidentally, South Africa also introduced the apartheid policy in 1948. Henceforth, an unholy relationship between these two pariah states began in earnest. Both Israel and apartheid South Africa were accused of dispossessing and ill-treating the indigenous people of their land. Moreover, these states saw themselves as exporters of Western values into the two very distinct worlds and cultures they found themselves in. However, the demise of apartheid in 1994 saw a change of tune from the incoming administration, as it sided with the marginalised Palestinians. The majority Black government in a majority Christian country, South Africa, chose to side with the Palestinians despite strong Biblical evidence supporting Israel’s claims to the Palestinian territory. All this was owing to the fact that South Africa’s liberation movement, the African National Congress [ANC], had fought alongside and enjoyed the support of its Palestinian equal, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation [PLO]. The study adopted the qualitative paradigm. This decision was predicated on the fact that the study was mostly desk-top based. Primary data were collected by administering questionnaires via email to purposively selected informants. Secondary data were generated through consulting books, journal articles, newspapers and internet resources. Realism, Institutionalism and Human Rights theories were chosen to guide the study. These three theories assisted in deciphering how states deal with one another, how institutions can mediate or escalate tensions between states, and how human rights are significant in the formulation of foreign policies. The study reveals that although, at face value, South Africa seems to be favouring the Palestinian State, its official foreign policy towards both Israel and Palestine is even-handed. This is despite vocal voices from within some members of the cabinet and leaders of the tripartite alliance supporting Palestine and condemning Israeli atrocities in that territory. Furthermore, the study reveals that religious fundamentalism and intolerance have contributed in the escalation of the Israel-Palestine conflict. South Africa as a multicultural society with diverse religions could serve as a catalyst in providing solutions to this struggle. That is if the role of religion in the encounter is not relegated to the periphery.
The secession of states as a strategy for resolving intra-state ethnic and religious conflicts in post-colonial Africa : the case of south Sudan.
(2017) Vhumbunu, Clayton Hazvinei.; Joseph, Rudigi Rukema.
The secession of South Sudan from Sudan in 2011, after a protracted and seemingly intractable conflict which started in 1955 on the eve of the county’s independence from colonial rule; presents a pertinent question on whether secession should be considered as a viable and sustainable strategy for resolving conflicts with ethnic and religious dimensions. This comes against a background of several secessionists movements in Africa, as in Algeria (State of Kabyle), Angola (Republic of Cabinda), Cameroon (Democratic Republic of Bakassi), Comoros (Anjouan), Ethiopia (State of Oromia and Ogaden), Mali (Azawad), Nigeria (State of Biafra), Senegal (Casamance Republic), Somalia (Republic of Somalia-Somaliland), Tanzania (Zanzibar), and Zambia (Barotseland), among others. These are by grievances such as marginalization, discrimination, oppression and different forms of injustices. Five years after secession, the conflicts in South Sudan and Sudan are still raging on and even intensifying, despite commendable regional and international mediation efforts through the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the African Union (AU). Using the 2011 secession of South Sudan as case study, this study sought to examine the extent to which secession can be considered as a strategy to sustainably resolve intra-ethnic and religious conflicts in post-colonial African states. Methodologically, the study adopted a mixed methods research design which combines both qualitative and quantitative research methods, relying on interviews with experts, academics and researchers based in Zimbabwe as well as questionnaires administered to officials working in peacebuilding, humanitarian, media and development agencies in South Sudan. It used the Protracted Social Conflict Theory, Realist Conflict Theory and Conflict Transformation Theory as theoretical framework of analysis. The findings of the study revealed that whilst South Sudanese secession was a legal success as evidenced by the legitimate recognition and acceptance of the state as a member of the AU and the UN, there was no evidence of success of secession in South Sudan in as far as the securing of lasting peace and stability is concerned as there is continued inter-communal violence, inter-ethnic fights, unresolved border demarcation issues with the Republic of Sudan, and border disputes in Abyei, Blue Nile and South Kordofan states in post-secession South Sudan. The study concludes that secession cannot be regarded as a sustainable and viable strategy to resolve intra-state ethnic and religious conflicts as it usually over-simplify a conflict along ethnic, religious and regional identity lines thereby failing to address the underlying substantive causes of secessionist conflicts. The study further argues that at regional and continental level, the secession of states may threaten African unity and integration. However, in extreme cases where secession maybe unavoidable due to self-determination pressures, the study suggests that secession should be supported by effective transitional mechanisms accompanied by conflict transformation interventions aimed at transforming the power structures, institutions, systems, triggers of violence, attitudes of conflict actors, and transforming mindset of the elite/leadership so as to secure sustainable peace and stability. In order to sustainably resolve seemingly intractable protracted intra-state ethnic and religious conflicts in post-colonial African states, the study highly recommends that multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies should consider ‘non-secession’ alternatives such as Federalism, Consociational Democracy, Devolution, and Confederation which embrace and uphold the sacrosanct values and principles of democracy, diversity, plurality, tolerance, equal access to opportunities and fair distribution of national resources so as to promote national integration and social cohesion. The nature, form, substance and structure of these national governance frameworks should be defined and determined by national contexts and circumstances.
Xenophobia and human security: gender-based violence experiences of Zimbabwean women working in the Informal sector in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal.
(2018) Mutambara, Marcia Victoria.; Naidu, Uma Maheshvari.
The world is increasingly interconnected to such an extent that internal and international migration have become a glaring reality that is visible in all four corners of the globe. A dearth of research shows that the new wave of migration appears to be highly gendered with the number of women migrating increasing. However, the experiences that migrant women face tend to be similar and they face common challenges and vulnerabilities. Therefore, the central focus of the study was to probe the xenophobic and gender-based violence sentiments that migrant women encounter in South Africa. It specifically used a sample of Zimbabwean women working in South Africa’s informal sector as their challenges are different from those women who were working in the formal sector. The study focused on the premise that there is a thin line between xenophobic sentiments and gender-based violence which affects the women’s experiences and reality enormously. The study showed how the protracted economic challenges, coupled with cycles of structural poverty and violence in Zimbabwe constructed their insecurities. It showed that most of the women fled these insecurities to other xenophobic and gender-based violence related insecurities which they possibly did not anticipate before they made the decision to migrate from Zimbabwe to South Africa. The study used a qualitative research approach to collect relevant data that comprehensively described the reality and experiences of informally employed Zimbabwean migrant women in South Africa. Snowball and purposive sampling was used to select the women who participated for the study. Thematic and content analysis were used to analyze the empirical data. To understand the lived experiences of the women, the study mainly used the structural violence theory, social ecological model and the social constructivism theory. These theories enhanced the understanding of how social reality constantly shapes the development of situations that disadvantage migrant women. In addition, the triadic conflict theory was also used to interpret the development of social and political conflict that affects migrant women.The findings of the study revealed that most of the women experienced xenophobic attacks and in some instances, it was laced with gender-based violence attacks due to their identity as migrant and female. The findings of the study revealed that the women are not always victims, in some instances they manipulate their victimhood to have agency. This study makes a meaningful contribution to the body of knowledge as it attempts to highlight the fluidity of xenophobic and gender-based violence challenges that migrant women encounter, it also highlights the women’s coping mechanisms.
Institutional capacities and the challenges of continental integration: a critical study of the African Union Commission as an integrative tool.
(2018) Medoye, Danile Taye.; Jagganath, Gerelene.; Ndlovu, Joram.
This study sought out to critically examine the African Union Commission (AUC) as an integrative tool in the context of institutional capacities and the challenges of continental integration. This study is an exploratory attempt to determine the capacity of the African Union Commission (AUC) as an organ of the African Union (AU) in facilitating the integration aspirations of African leaders on the continent. Considered a strategic organ of the AU, this study sought to examine the integrative capacity of the AUC, and its ability to sensitise not only African leaders, but also the rich and wealthy Africans notably in the private sector to pool resources together to catalyze the efforts towards integration of the continent. It is worth repeating that the AUC is one of the organs of the African Union (AU) which conducts the administrative affairs of the continental organization. The study was informed by the need to contexualise the dynamism exhibited by the leadership direction of the outgoing Chairperson of the Commission (at the time of this research), Her Excellency, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma wherein considerable attention was drawn to the activities of the AU. The AUC’s engagements with the RECs and its reaching out to both private individuals and institutions for support, has significantly put African affairs in the limelight. To achieve the aim of the study, the researcher drew strength from accessed literature specifically on related studies to be able to provide a justification for the study, and this was further completed with processed data generated from fieldwork. The study employed the qualitative research paradigm in the generation of data and for analysis based on the context and focus of the study. In concluding the study, the researcher made some averments as follows - Firstly, and in reaction to research question one which sought to interrogate the capacity of the African Union Commission (AUC) to facilitate integration agenda of the organization, the researcher avers that the AUC being the implementing organ of the AU’s programmes can deliver more effectively on its mandate if empowered appropriately. Secondly, the study avers that the challenges of corruption, overlapping membership, sit-tightism syndrome, and lack of commitment by African leaders among others, should be addressed and tackled with unwavering commitment and willingness for the aspiration of integration to be fully realized. Thirdly, on whether the sub-regional bodies can provide a platform for the integration agenda of the continent, the researcher contends that the level of successes recorded within each of the regional economic communities is an indication that such can be replicated on the continent. Fourthly, the preponderance of views expressed by the study participants on whether the international environment can or does influence integration efforts in Africa led the researcher to agree less. Fifthly, the researcher aligns with the view by a majority of the respondents to the effect that there is no famine of policies, treaties, protocols and agreements aimed at leading Africa to its desired level of development. This study views the AUC as an organ that plays an interventionist role through policy advocacy which proposes and recommends policies and programmes for the consideration of African leaders during their plenary sessions towards pursuing their integrative goals. The study therefore submits that, if accorded a near-supranational status, the AUC has the potency to galvanise resources and support to facilitate the much desired integration of the African continent.
Paradiplomacy in South Africa: the role of interest and identity in the international relations of KwaZulu-Natal province.
(2018) Magam, Nolubabalo Patricia Dawn.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
This study offered an analysis of the importance of international relations activities undertaken by sub-national governments in South Africa, with a specific reference to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. These activities were conceptualised as paradiplomacy. The goal of the study was to advance the notion of paradiplomacy and explore how identity and interest facilitate paradiplomacy. The study explored this phenomenon from the context of Constructivism as a theory, highlighting the role of interests and identity in paradiplomacy. Positing a reciprocal relation between identity and interests, Constructivism argues that identities and interests shape and are shaped by foreign policy of a particular political entity. This was a qualitative, single-case study which relied on primary and secondary data.. Semi-structured interviews with key informants from the national government, provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal, external partners and academics, were used to gather empirical data. In addition to that, official government reports, international agreements and MOUs were analysed to augment the empirical data. In addition, the works of leading scholars in paradiplomacy such as Geldenhuys and Nganje (in South Africa) and Kuznetsov, Keating,Lecours,amongst others were invaluable sources of secondary data in this study. The study contributed to the growing body of literature on paradiplomay by providing analytical insight into (i) What is the legal framework for paradiplomacy in South Africa; (ii) What is the role of interest and identity in paradiplomatic activities of KwaZulu-Natal and (iii) How has paradiplomacy affected development in the province? Although subnational governments engage in international relations, primarily, for developing their local economies, they also advance the national agenda. In the case of South Africa, paradiplomacy is a reflection of the national government’s foreign policy agenda. The study showed how KwaZulu-Natal’s identities and interests are shaped by the broader and historical South African context. The study demonstrated how KwaZulu-Natal’s paradiplomatic activities are influenced by interests and identities. In addition, the study also explored the existence of multiple identities and interests, which are as a result of social and corporate identities. The findings revealed that paradiplomatic activities in the KwaZulu-Natal advance the provincial development strategy. The specific areas of cooperation are development-oriented and address development challenges the province is faced with. The study concluded by recommending that the legal framework of paradiplomacy be explicit in the constitution, to ensure that subnational governments work within a clear and explicit constitutional framework.
Life across borders: a case study of Nigerian immigrant women in Durban, South Africa.
(2021) Oyebamiji, Israel Sunday.; Hiralal, Kalpana.
Using Nigerian Immigrant Women in Durban as a case study, the work contributes to the existing literature on emigration, with appropriate consideration for contemporary complexities in Africa, including split families due to migration. By concentrating on this relatively microcommunity, the study acts as a probing ground for the verification of already established propositions and theories of migration at the macro-level. For instance, it re-examines the traditional theories, the push-and-pull within the Nigerian-South African context. The study is problematised from this perspective and the intricacies and complexities surrounding the current increasing rate of women emigration into South Africa from other African states. The theories of intersectionality and gendered geographies of power are employed to examine and the challenges of these women immigrants in the context of gender and migration. This study utilises, in addition to secondary sources, carefully conducted oral interviews of selected Nigerian women immigrants in Durban. Among others, the study reveals that the essential and underlying element in the migration of these women is a new development in grassroots communities resulting in a change of lifestyle and transformation, which the “push-and-pull” theory alone cannot totally explain. It reveals an immigrant lifestyle is sustained by coping mechanisms, which include entrepreneurship, resilience, reception of financial and psychological support from immigrants’ homeland, and a dedicated culture of remittance. These are primarily in response to challenges emanating from limitations posed by habitat, ethnicity, language and race. It recommends that the Nigerian-South Africa emigration scene can be improved upon and challenges of immigrants minimised through the adoption of the approaches identified and discussed under conclusion.
The Niger Delta conflict: the application of international law and the normative system of international organizations as a panacea to peace in the region.
(2021) Irabor, Henry Chiedu.; Gumede, Mabuyi.
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria has been under the spotlight for a long time over the issue of agitation for equitable distribution of the oil resources for the improvement of the living conditions of the people. Claims of exploitation, marginalization, and oppression by the Nigerian government and the various multinational oil companies operating in the region have been rife. This development has generated armed conflicts between militants and the Nigerian security forces. The high-handedness of the government in response to the conflicts and the activities of the oil companies have attracted the international community. Environmental degradation, pollution, and the health hazards of continuous gas flaring have characterized the activities of the oil companies in the region. Constant human rights violations in the region and the violent reaction of the people have led to the militarization of the region. a situation that the people are militarized by the Nigerian armed forces, especially when they call for redress of their horrendous situations by ways of protest and demonstration. Using a mixed method to research, this study interrogates the feasibility of the application of international laws and norms for the resolution of the constant conflicts in the region occasioned by environmental degradation. In the absence of the government commitment to ameliorating the plights of citizens, this study proposes the intervention of the international system in the protection of the fundamental rights and human dignity of citizens who have been victims of the consequences of the hazards associated with oil exploration in the region. The participants of this study ranged from academics, environmental rights activists, legal practitioners and the civil society. The data generated were sorted and analysed using multiple correspondence analyses (MCA) which was carried out following the study’s objectives and research questions. Considering the imperativeness of the applications of international law and the normative system of International Organizations as a panacea to the long-time conflict, the findings of this study revealed that the Nigerian state and the multinational corporations have treated the region with a high sense of injustice. This has brought about agitations for development, resource control, environmental protection, and militancy in the region as a way of displaying the injustice meted against them for the world to know. This study recommends that the government should embark on a complete arms clean-up in the region and create an environment where the need to keep weapons will no longer be necessary. The security of lives and properties should be the government’s priority.
African solutions to African problems: assessing the African Union's application of endogenous conflict resolution approaches.
Ani, Ndubuisi Christian.; Mtshali, Khondlo Phillip Thabo.
This dissertation advances the discourse on Africa’s substantive values and priorities in conflict resolution. This is done by exploring the principles of ‘African solutions to African problems’, particularly in conflict resolution, and the implications of the identified ‘African solutions’ for the African Union’s conflict resolution efforts. The thesis is premised on the background that the maxim ‘African solutions to African problems’ was developed in the context of growing misgivings about the reliability, motive and efficiency of external interventions in Africa. This is coupled with the belief among African thinkers and politicians that the lasting solutions to Africa’s challenges can only be secured by African-oriented solutions. However, there have been inadequate explorations of what constitutes African solutions and its influence on Pan-African conflict resolution interventions. Using a constructivist framework and a qualitative methodology with reliance on interview data from African peace and security experts as well as literary discourses on African indigenous conflict resolution, this dissertation explores the substantive value of the maxim ‘African solutions to African problems’ and the implications for the interventionist outlook employed by the African Union. The research employs the case study of the African Union’s intervention in Somalia to assess the achievements, challenges and prospects in the application of African solutions. The findings of the dissertation highlights that ‘African solutions’ in conflict resolution does not refer to unique elements. Rather they refer to Africa’s prioritized values in conflict resolution that may be in consonant or discordant with those of other geopolitical regions, but significant enough to advance self-determination, local ownership and the quest for sustainable solutions in Africa. Although it emerged from the misgivings about external impositions and interventions in Africa, the maxim ‘African Solutions to African problems’ indicts African actors for their failure to exhibit appropriate agency in terms of advancing context-sensitive solutions to the continent’s challenges. In line with the theoretical framework of constructivism which argues that the international system is influenced by prevailing ideas, the ideals of African solutions obliges Africa to critic and enhance its values and priorities, and negotiate them within the prevailing theory and practice of conflict resolution without being constrained by the dictates and approaches of dominant powers. Keywords: Pan-Africanism; Constructivism; African Union; Indigenous conflict resolution; African solutions to African problems; African Peace and Security Architecture; Identity.
The implementation of cooperative policy : perceptions from cooperatives in the Umgungundlovu District Municipality (KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa).
Okem, Andrew Emmanuel.; Stanton, Anne Sylvie.
The thesis explores the evolution of cooperative policies in South Africa and investigates the challenges experienced by cooperatives located in the uMgungundlovu District in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The study adopted a cross-sectional qualitative design with twenty-six conveniently selected cooperatives. Representatives of the participating cooperatives were interviewed face-to-face using a semi-structured questionnaire. This generated detailed empirical data that elucidated the challenges facing cooperatives in the uMgungundlovu District. These cooperatives operated in rural, poverty-stricken, underdeveloped locations. The study found that a number of challenges including a lack of finance, access to inputs, land, transport, market, income, knowledge, and skills hindered the success of these cooperatives. Unfortunately, many of these cooperatives are small in terms of membership and employees. As a result, they have not led to employment creation or local economic development in the uMgungundlovu District. The study also found that a majority of the participant cooperatives in the uMgungundlovu District cannot survive without ongoing government support. The study concludes that the dependence of these cooperatives on government support makes them non-viable, unsustainable, and not conducive to local economic development. The thesis recommends that the government redefine its relationship with the cooperative sector by focusing on creating an environment that fosters the growth of cooperatives rather than being at the forefront of the formation and support of cooperatives. This thesis argues that the nature of government’s relationship with cooperatives is essential in changing how cooperators perceive cooperatives. It recommends changing the perception that cooperatives are a government development programme, or a means to access government funding. Government needs to make it clear that cooperatives are member-owned, self-sustaining business entities. Although the literature suggests that networking is central to successful cooperative activity, this research indicates that participant cooperatives from the uMgungundlovu District do not engage in any meaningful networking activities. In the uMgungundlovu District, it was found that cooperatives are not only dependent on government funding; they are not intent on establishing collaborative relationships with other cooperatives. On the contrary, they regard other cooperatives as rivals, competing for government grants and hence many do not trust or collaborate with other cooperatives. In addition, cooperatives are located in extremely poor and underdeveloped environments. The competition among cooperatives for access to funding is therefore high. Furthermore, networking with other cooperatives is difficult in the uMgungundlovu District for a number of reasons (namely, vast geographical distances between cooperatives; the competition for government tenders; the political and religious differences in the local community; and lack of experience and skills in governing cooperatives). The study proposes a renewed emphasis on educating and capacitating cooperatives to value and engage in productive networking activities. To facilitate cooperation among cooperatives, it is recommended that training and support offered to cooperatives is tailored towards emphasising the values and benefits of networks. This can be achieved through the provision of support to groups of cooperatives in order to create networking opportunities that will foster collaboration among cooperatives.

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