Masters Degrees (History)

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/10413/7192

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 63

Shepstone and Cetshwayo, 1873-1879.
(1967) Cope, Richard Lidbrook.
No abstract available.
Sir William H. Beaumont and the Natives Land Commission, 1913-1916.
(1976) Flemmer, Marleen.
No abstract available
The South African Party, 1932-34 : the movement towards fusion.
(1977) Turrell, Atholl Denis.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.
No abstract available.
The opposition to General J.B.M. Hertzog's segregation bills, 1925- 1936 : a study in extra-parliamentary protest.
(1978) Haines, Richard John.; Horton, Weldon J.
No abstract available.
The development of African agriculture in Southern Rhodesia with particular reference to the interwar years.
(1979) Punt, Eira.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.
No abstract available.
The administration of Sir Arthur E. Havelock as Governor of Natal, 1886 - 1889.
(1979) Moodley, Manikam.; Heydenrych, Dirk Hendrik.
No abstract available.
Frederick Robert Moor and native affairs in the colony of Natal, 1893 to 1903.
(1980) Dhupelia, Uma.; Braine, Julia Dawn.
This dissertation is concerned with the public life of Frederick Robert Moor during the period 1893 to 1903. Moor served as Secretary for Native Affairs during the first ten years of responsible government in Natal in the ministries of Sir John Robinson (1893 - 1897), Harry Escombe (1897) and Alfred Hime (1899 - 1903). His policy towards the Africans and his handling of specific issues that faced the Native Affairs Department are examined. This study shows that the political nature of his office and his responsibility to the White electorate influenced his determination of policy and its implementation. Control was the key-note of Moor's policy and continuing in the tradition of the Native Affairs Department he believed that the tribal system and customary law were the best means of effecting this control. He therefore opposed anything that threatened this system such as the system of exemption from customary law which freed Africans from tribal control. This desire to protect the traditional system of government as well as his paternalism explains Moor's reluctance to allow Africans to appeal against the decisions of the lower courts to the higher courts or to permit the employment of lawyers by the Africans in the courts that administered customary law. Moor was opposed to granting the franchise to Africans even though he realised that he, as Secretary for Native Affairs, could not adequately represent their interests. He was also against alienating land in freehold to the Africans. Moor's policy made it impossible for him to find a place in his system for those Africans who wanted to shake off traditionalism and he found it difficult to handle the specific problems faced by them. Moor's location policy was motivated primarily by the desire to control the Africans and this was made more urgent with the spread of the Ethiopian movement. Yet he wished also to improve the Africans ability to support themselves and for this reason he initiated irrigation projects. Moor wanted to bring the mission reserves under the control of the government in the same way as the locations and in achieving this he caused tension between the government and the missionaries. No study of the relations between African and White in colonial Natal can exclude the labour issue. Moor had an individual approach to the labour question but was constantly torn between the demands of the colonists for cheap and abundant labour and his obligations to the Africans. He is revealed as being sympathetic to the position of the Africans. His unwillingness to prevent African labour in Natal from going to the Transvaal and his appOintment of J.S. Marwick to see to the interests of these Africans in the Transvaal were controversial. By 1903 Moor had acquired considerable experience as Secretary for Native Affairs and had formulated his policy. Despite his good intentions his policy succeeded in sowing the seeds of dissatisfaction amongst the Africans. The Africans appreciated his honesty but were critical of his failure to deal with specific issues such as the improvement of their educational facilities. Moor did not have to deal with an uprising in this period but three years after he left office the storm broke over Natal and Moor's responsibility for this is briefly discussed. Moor returned to the government in 1906 as Prime Minister and Minister for Native Affairs but this is outside the scope of this dissertation.
Class, race and gender : the political economy of women in colonial Natal.
(1982) Beall, Josephine Dianne.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.
Colonial Natal has become an increasingly popular field of investigation for historians of Southern Africa over the last decade or so. This trend is not premature or " irrelevant for, although not demonstrating" the economic impact of the diamond-mining industry of the Cape, or the gold-mining industry of the Transvaal, the political " economy of nineteenth century Natal played a significant role in forming patterns of South African social and economic development, as well as attitudes towards this, not least of all in terms of labour exploitation. The history of Natal during this period has been lacking by and large in what I consider to be two important aspects. Firstly, the colony, on the whole, has been neglected by Marxist and radical historians; and secondly, the history of women in South Africa, as yet a nascent area of research in itself, has not included an attempt to date, understand the lives of those women who lived along the south-east coastal belt of Southern Africa, between the Drakensberg and the Indian Ocean. This study strives to be a preliminary step in the direction of redressing this imbalance, by offering an introductory exposition on the political economy of women in colonial Natal.
Economic rationality or religious idealism : the medieval doctrines of the just price and the prohibition of usury.
(1982) Anderson, J. J.; Lumby, Anthony Bernard.
No abstract available.
The 1949 Durban riots : a community in conflict.
(1983) Kirk, S. L.; Warhurst, Philip R.
No abstract available.
The interaction between the missionaries of the Cape eastern frontier and the colonial authorities in the era of Sir George Grey, 1854-1861.
(1984) Weldon, Constance Gail.; Benyon, John Allen.
In the work of radical historians and in Xhosa tradition the Cattle Killing has become the supreme example of the deliberately destructive impact of a colonial governor, helped by missionaries, on the Black peoples of the eastern frontier of the Cape. This figure of controversy, Sir George Grey, was Governor of the Cape and High Commissioner from 1854-1861. As a civilian, he sought to pacify the Xhosa through 'civilization1 and education. To do this he enlisted the help of the frontier missionaries, who themselves desired a stable Xhosa society to aid their work. The result, it has been alleged, was the final demise of effective Xhosa resistance to the encroachment of imperial forces and white settler society. By the early 1850s the work of the missionaries on the frontier was at an all-time low. And so they certainly did hope that Grey's plans, of which the extension of education was part, would provide a long-sought breakthrough for them. But this, in turn, has led to the accusation that the missionaries acted merely as mercenary imperial agents and as a 'collaborating group' for the extension of colonial authority over the Xhosa, rather than for the benefit of their would- be converts. Because of the nature of the allegations, it seemed a significant historical exercise to investigate more closely the nature and extent of the links which the missionaries did in fact forge with Sir George Grey. It must be admitted that Grey's frontier plans, together with the steady erosion of traditional society over the years, economic distress in the mid-1850s, and the Cattle Killing dealt a deathblow to effective Xhosa resistance to colonial encroachment. Radical historians have blamed Grey and the missionaries of deliberately engineering the Cattle Killing for their own Machiavellian purposes. There is not enough evidence to convict Grey on this charge, but certainly his actions, or lack of them, during the crisis suggest that once the Cattle Killing had started he deliberately allowed it to develop to the point where the Xhosa could be more easily subordinated. It can not, with any justification, be said that the missionaries had a part either in instigating or maintaining the crisis, though they were not slow to hope for some advantage from it in the shape of a more receptive Xhosa nation driven by adversity to 'humble themselves before God1 and accept conversion. The Xhosa were deeply divided over Nongqawuse's prophecy - which was a fact that tended to work very much to Grey's advantage. He also used the crisis to break the chiefs who survived the disaster and to evict Sarhili from his ancestral land in Kaffraria Proper. On what seems to have been fabricated evidence, Grey accused Sarhili, together with Moshoe- shoe, of plotting the Cattle Killing to force the Xhosa into war with the Colony. Far from this being the case, the Cattle Killing should rather be regarded both as a millenarian movement and as a feature of a so-called 'closing' frontier. Grey had hoped to use the crisis to extend his 'civilizing' plans to Kaffraria Proper; but though his expulsion of Sarhili to beyond the Mbashe River prepared the way, he did not receive official sanction to go ahead with his plans. This, together with other setbacks to his plans, may well have led Grey to accept a transfer to New Zealand in 1861, sooner than had been expected. It has been suggested that the Cattle Killing resulted in an unprecedented advance by the missionaries, but detailed investigation of their records has shown this to be untrue. The influence attributed to the missionaries has, thus, been somewhat overrated and their links with Grey, who was essentially a man of independent and arbitrary action, exaggerated. Although their converts were few, missionaries did, however, foster far-reaching changes in traditional society. One of the most notable was the growth of peasant communities around the stations, which supplied a viable alternative to wage labour in the pre-capitalist colonial society. They also contributed to the stratification of Xhosa society and to the creation of an educated elite which would become leaders in a new industrial situation of contracting options. Grey was Governor at a time when the frontier was in the process of closing. A study of his era is, thus, relevant not only in terms of the relationship between the missionaries and the personality embodying the authority of the colonial state - and their consequent combined impact on Xhosa history but also in terms of more general frontier studies.
The Catholic Church and apartheid, 1948-1957.
(1984) Abraham, Garth.
No abstract available.
Financing colonial rule : the hut tax system in Natal, 1847-1898.
(1985) Ramdhani, Narissa.; Ballard, Charles Cameron.
The functioning of African societies in the colonial environment has become a popular subject of research by historians. However, these are areas of neglect insofar as the investigation of the economic role of Africans in colonial states is concerned. In spite of the fact that the European population and the revenue of Natal have never been very large, there have been numerous studies examining the role of the white inhabitants in the economic development of the colony. Stimulus for this thesis has therefore been provided by the vacuum in the historical literature concerning the financial history of colonial Natal, and in particular, how the Hut Tax - one of the more significant manifestations of colonialism - served as a tool in coercing the northern Nguni inhabitants to finance the administration of foreign rule.
Marxism and history : twenty years of South African Marxist studies.
(1988) Deacon, Roger Alan.
This thesis attempts to contextualize the emergence and development of South African Marxist studies in terms of political and economic changes in South Africa, the influence of overseas Marxist and related theories and internal and external historiographical developments. The early Marxist approach was constituted by the climate of political repression and economic growth in South Africa during the 1960's, by its antagonism to the dominant liberal analyses of the country, and by the presence of indigenous Marxist theories of liberation. The unstable theoretical foundations of this approach prompted a critique and reassessment, which led to the coalescence of a stable Marxist paradigm and the start of the second phase of Marxist studies. The debate on the nature of the state that characterized this second phase was informed by the rival Marxist political theories of Nicos Poulantzas and the West German Staatsableitung school, and proved to be largely inconclusive. However, under circumstances of a resurgence of resistance and economic decline in South Africa, the late-1970's debate focussed attention squarely upon the revolutionary potential of the black working class. The heightening of struggle and a growing awareness of crisis formed the basis for the 1980's shift away from the reductionism and instrumentalism of the earlier literature. Continuing research on the state highlighted issues of strategy, the spaces for struggle opened up by the restructuring of the state and capital, and the degree of state autonomy. The political and economic gains made by the oppressed also combined with the influence of elements of British Marxist historiography and a reaction to the 'structuralism' of the 1970's to produce Marxist social history, emphasizing subjective human agency and 'history from below'. The social historical perspective dominates Marxist studies in the 1980's, and has influenced both the tradition of Marxist Africanism, focussing on pre-colonial African social formations, and the related approach to agrarian history. It is argued in the . conclusion that recent calls for a synthesis of structuralist Marxism and social history within South African Marxist studies take for granted the dualist appearance of Marxism and fails to reflect upon Marxism's essentially monistic presupposition.
Henry Francis Fynn and the Fynn community in Natal, 1824-1988.
(1988) Bramdeow, Shirron.; Ballard, Charles Cameron.
No abstract available.
From mission school to Bantu education : a history of Adams College.
(1990) Du Rand, Susan Michelle.; Maylam, Paul.
In 1835 the first American Board missionaries arrived in South Africa and a mission station was built at Amanzimtoti. Adams College, then known as Amanzimtoti Institute was established in 1853 by the American Board with the expressed ingestion of opening up a school on the mission station originally founded by Dr Newton Adams. Adams College consisted of a number of institutions; a high school, a teacher training college and an industrial school. It was one of the first African schools to introduce co-education, to teach mathematics and science to Africans, to provide matriculation and post-matriculation courses, and to give responsible posts to Africans. This thesis examines the goals, beliefs and strategies of early missionaries and the founders of Adams College in the nineteenth century. It goes on to illustrate the.influence of segregation and incorporationist ideals of those involved in missionary education in the early 1900s. Mission schools such as Adams College aimed at promoting a type of education based on European curriculum and models. Edgar Brookes and Jack Grant, prominant principals at Adams College, were well-intentioned and aimed at offering the students opportunity for advancement. In 1956 Adams College was closed by the government, as a consequence of the Bantu Education Act. This study interprets the transition from missionary to Bantu Education in light of the difficulties faced by Mission schools in the late 1940s.
Natal's "Native" education, 1917-1953 : education for segregation.
(1990) Moore, Andrew John.; Maylam, Paul.
The Natal Education Department's "Native" education system which functioned from 1910 to 1953 has often been termed a good example of "liberal" education for Africans. However an investigation into the administrative structure and curricula content of this education order proved that numerous similarities existed between "Native" education, as formulated by the Natal Education Department, and "Bantu" education as established by the Nationalist government as part of its apartheid program. "Native" education in Natal could be considered a forerunner of "Bantu" education. Both systems were designed to achieve similar aims, eg. to maintain the social divisions, aid in the reproduction of semi-skilled labour and bolster the reserve system and migrant labour system. Course content was geared, in both "Native" and "Bantu" education, to promote a specific way of life for the African - a life that was both rural and agrarian in nature. A continuity of both method and aim existed between the two education orders. In effect, despite the different rhetoric and arguments used by the authorities of these two education systems, both implemented systems aimed at maintaining segregation. Emphasis is placed on exposing the true character of "Native" education as well as developing the argument that "Native" and "Bantu" education should be seen as the continuation of a specific education order rather than two distinct and different systems. This study focuses on Natal's 'Native' education and reveals it as a system designed to promote segregation and protect white interests. It too did not have the true interests of African children at heart.
Natal and the 1960 Republican Referendum.
(1990) Stewart, William James.; Duminy, Andrew Hadley.
Ideal, reality and opposition : white women in Durban, 1900- 1920.
(1991) Noble, Kerryn.; Posel, Rosalind.
In 1900 Durban's white' society closely resembled its British counterpart. As in Britain an ideal of womanhood encompassed various generalisations concerning woman's true nature and purpose. Women were upheld as pure, chaste nurturers, and homemakers. In order that they might remain so fufil their destiny as wives and mothers, women were expected to remain in the private sphere, protected and supported by bread-winning husbands and fathers. Reality did not conform to the ideal Not all women were happy or satisfied by marriage and motherhood Large numbers of women were neither supported nor protected but forced to enter the public sphere, finding employment to secure a livelihood. They faced discrimination within an ideology which admitted them to the labour force under sufferance Women's work' was poorly paid, of low status and offered little opportunity for advancement. For these and other reasons some women became prostitutes . The prostitution issue was extremely controversial in the period under discussion. Ambiguities and contradictions inherent in the ideology of sexuality were revealed, as were various attempts to cope with these issues. Prostitutes were exploited sexually but this exploitation was at least lucrative. Continental womed probably earned more money in a year than a housewife, cleaner or factory 'drudge' ever saw in thei r lives . Many women therefore chose to go beyond the pale of society . Women resisted constraints placed upon them in a number of ways: they refused offers of marriage (supposedly their highest attainment); they left their husbands; they attempted to learn about and obtain forms of contraception, in direct opposition to the ideology of motherhood; they risked abortion despite the possibiIity of death, injury, prosecution or societal ostracism. Women attempted to improve their wages, working conditions and status. During the Great War' some of their ambi tions were real ised though most concessions gained were lost by 1920. Most of Durban women's organisations (all middle-class) accepted and were reflective of the ideals held by society. The Women's Enfranchisement League however, though working within the ideology of the time, challenged women's relegation to the private sphere.
The Colonial-Born and Settlers' Indian Association and Natal Indian politics, 1933-1939.
(1992) Cheddie, Anand.; Warhurst, Philip R.
This thesis seeks to examine Indian political development in South Africa during the period 1933-1939, with specific reference to the emergence of the Colonial-Born and Settlers' Indian Association and its influence on the course of Natal Indian politics. The primary aim of the thesis is to examine the role played by this Association in obstructing the Union government's assisted emigration plans and colonisation scheme. To achieve this aim it was necessary to examine the establishment of the Association and to determine whether the Association fulfilled its main objective. After a brief exposition of early Indian immigration, the activities of the successive Agent-Generals are examined in the context of their relationship with the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) and the Association and how these diplomats articulated the aspirations of their government. The Agency attempted to secure improvements in the socio-economic position of the South African Indian community. In terms of various directives from the Indian government it was clear that they emphasised the value of negotiations and compromise and aggressively suppressed the strategies of those who opposed this approach. This attitude surfaced particularly in its relationship with the Association relative to the Association's stance on the colonisation issue. Notwitstanding the disabilities experienced by the Association in its fight for the equal status of its supporters and for the right to remain in South Africa, the Association is seen to have succeeded in the realisation of its fundamental objective. The thesis also seeks to establish that there was a need for the creation of the Association and later after it had served its function the need for its dissolution. In this process the author also deals with the general activities of the Association and the crucial negotiations conducted with the Congress to the point of amalgamation in 1939 when the Association and the NIC amalgamated to form the Natal Indian Association. The significant influence of the Agency in the process of negotiations is emphasised. There are three main themes in this study. The first reflects the manner In which the moderate leadership articulated the aspirations of their supporters. Secondly, it demonstrates the internal differences, sectionalism and the class struggles within the Indian organisations. , The third theme seeks to reveal the often devious roles played by the respective governments, their intransigence, connivance and particularly the apathy of the government of India.

Browse

Browsing Masters Degrees (History) by Issue Date