Browsing by Author "Jones, Alison Rae."

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African identity and an African renaissance.
(2000) Jili, Philani.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Sithole, Dennis Jabulani.
Abstract not available.
Analyzing the role of Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe (2007-2013).
(2014) Goto, Kudzai.; Malimela, Langelihle.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Twenty years ago, Zimbabwe was hailed as the “bread basket” of the Southern African region, unfortunately Zimbabwe has now become a basket case for its neighboring countries and beyond Africa. Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is indeed a typical example of post-colonial state failure in Africa. Zimbabwe is facing a multidimensional crisis which has negative effects on its citizens and has resulted in an overflow of refugees into neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Botswana among others. This then has increasingly led to a situation whereby the neighboring countries have realized that they have a crucial role to play in trying to resolve the issues in Zimbabwe for the stabilization of the region and the country. The effort of these neighboring countries towards transforming the Zimbabwean crisis was prominently done through the regional body, SADC. This study analyses and examines SADC’s role in trying to resolve the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The study interrogates the methods or strategies which SADC used to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis, as they gave South Africa a mediating role to try and resolve the crisis. The study adopts and recommends Transformative Mediation theory as an explanatory and analytical framework. Transformative Mediation theory is based on empowering the disputing parties, and enhancing each party's recognition of the other. Empowerment and recognition are two key concepts of Transformative Mediation. These concepts are essential analytical tools in evaluating whether or not SADC’s mediation efforts succeeded in resolving the crisis. The study concludes by reflecting on how SADC can strengthen its crisis and conflict mediation mechanisms and techniques.
Caveat emptor. Ideological paradigms in decolonising and postcolonial Africa.
(2006) Jones, Alison Rae.; Lawrence, Ralph Bruce.
The study is premised on a notion of 'African crisis'. Since the notion of crisis is multi-dimensional, hence susceptible to variable interpretations and emphases, the study posits and argues two interconnected hypotheses, thus operating within a finite investigative and interpretive framework It is hypothesised that a crisis of the state in Africa to a significant extent is a crisis in the spheres of political legitimacy and social cohesion. As both spheres fall within the operational ambit of ideology, the study examines the concept in some depth. In order to investigate the problematic of ideology in decolonising and postcolonial Africa, a distinction is made between ideology per se and phenomena and practices deemed ideological. During a process of exploring and analysing this distinction, cognisance is taken of the interface between ideology and social science paradigms. From this interface emerges the notion of an 'ideological paradigm'. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that two dominant paradigms in Cold War era Africa, namely, modernisation theory and scientific Marxism, are implicated in the crisis of the state. Included in this proposition is an argument that the application of exogenous developmental schematics in effect reproduced a colonial ethos inhospitable to endogenous innovation and initiative, not least in respect to the formulation and application of ideologies adequately congruent with - hence intelligible to - the lived worlds of Africans. Moreover, to the extent that the post Cold War era is characterised by the dominance of a neoliberal paradigm, this contention is of continuing relevance. The better to distinguish between an ideological paradigm and an ideology, the study investigates two significant departures from paradigmatic convention in decolonising Guinea-Bissau and postcolonial Tanzania. Both Amilcar Cabral and Julius Nyerere articulated and applied ideologies on the whole grounded more in local contexts than in exogenous paradigms. While Cabral's thesis is discussed at some length during the course of a literature review, Ujamaa in Tanzania comprises the dissertation's main case study. Tanzania is conceptualised as embarking on a post-independence quest for an inclusive epistemology on which to base an ideology at once locus-specific and informed by general tenets of human-centred socialism. From this quest emerged a national ethic that - in a post Cold War era - continues to influence state-societal relations in Tanzania, and thus has proven to be of lasting value.
Corruption in higher education in Nigeria : prevalence, structures and patterns among students of higher education institutions in Nigeria.
(2015) Idoniboye-Obu, Sakiemi Abbey.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Discourses, conversations and commentaries, and scholarly articles on Nigerian economy, politics, and society tend always to involve corruption. Violent changes of government as well as democratic leadership selection invariably make references to corruption as a justification for change. Every government since the country’s independence has been assailed as either being corrupt or doing too little to fight corruption. Corruption is said to pervade every sector of the Nigerian society including education. Every stakeholder in higher education has at one time or another been accused of corruption. This study is concerned with one of the primary stakeholders in higher education – students. The study examines the prevalence, structures, and patterns of corruption among students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Prevalence refers to the spread and depth of corruption in the consciousness of students while patterns suggest the forms in which the phenomenon finds expression. Structures are the opportunities for corrupt behaviour. It elicited students’ ideas and concepts of corruption by means of focus group discussions and surveys based on semi-structured questionnaire. Empirical data were collected at ABU, UNN, FUTA, UNIPORT, IAUE, Rivpoly, FCEZ, and FCE (T) among others. These institutions were selected to represent the ethnic heterogeneity of the country as well as the three main types of higher education institutions in the country. Resource constraints and logistical factors meant that only two institutions were covered in the northern part of the country. However, the university selected in the north, ABU, has the entire 19 Northern States as its catchment area. The distribution of questionnaires among the various institutions also ensured that this limitation does not adversely affect the representation of the North in the sample. The field work for this research was done in two phases in 2009 and 2010. Though this is not a historical study, it was carried out at a particular historical conjuncture and therefore can be said to deal with undergraduates of Nigerian tertiary institutions in the first decade of the 21st Century. It introduces the concept of higher education student corruption to capture corruption among students. It treats higher education student corruption as a complex and composite phenomenon with various aspects or interrelated dimensions. It finds that students have ideas and conceptions of corruption. It argues that students’ ideas and conceptions of corruption are largely derived from student handbooks issued by the various institutions and from the environment. Consequently, it holds that students’ ideas and concepts of corruption are not original or distinctive but are of the genre of conceptions of corruption as abuse or misuse of office. The study elucidates the key elements of students’ ideas and conceptions of corruption and examines their explanation for why some of them participate in corrupt practices. It classifies the variables in terms of the concepts with which students explain higher education student corruption into personal characteristics, establishment characteristics of higher education institutions, and the culture of corruption and, explores how these engender corrupt practices among students. It identifies the major patterns of corruption that are prevalent among students as absenteeism, activisms, bribe/bribery, fraudulent conduct, cultism, dereliction, drug/alcohol abuse, examination malpractice, indecent dressing, sexual behaviour, theft/stealing, and unruly behaviour. The study also identifies and differentiates structures from patterns of corruption. The key structures of higher education corruption are teaching and learning, examinations, and accommodation as most of the patterns of corruption identified are imbedded in them. The study found that higher education institutions are not only ill-equipped to deal with higher education student corruption but actually drive the phenomenon. This lack of capacity is related to underfunding by owner agencies such as the government, mismanagement of resources and maladministration by the management of higher education institutions, and societal pressures on both the institutions and the students. These will likely hinder current efforts being made by national anticorruption agencies such as the ICPC to combat corruption in the education sector.
Genocide, citizenship and political identity crisis in postcolonial Africa : Rwanda as case study.
(2012) Simbi, Faith Rumbidzai.; Jones, Alison Rae.
To state that the 1994 Rwandan genocide was one of the most horrific catastrophes that occurred in the 20th century is to restate the obvious. This thesis is an analytical exploration of the root causes of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It explains how Tutsi became non-indigenous Hamities and how Hutu became native indigenous, leaving the two populations to be identified along racial and ethnic lines. In 1933, the Belgians introduced identity cards which specified one‟s ethnic affiliation, giving birth to political identities as Hutu and Tutsi ceased to become cultural identities and became political identities. The identities of Hutu and Tutsi were not only legally enforced, but they also became linked to the governance of the state. Tutsi was now associated with state power and domination, while Hutu was linked with suppression and discrimination. Independent Rwanda, the Hutu took over power and continued to subscribe to some of the colonial racists ideologies and maintained Tutsi and Hutu as political identities. The once oppressed Hutu became the oppressor, whilst the once dominate Tutsi became the oppressed. The victim group construction theories were used in this study to examine the ills of race-branding in independent Rwanda. The Hutu regimes of the First Republic (1962-1973) and the Second Republic (1973-1994), failed to go beyond the colonist‟s strategy of divide and rule and instead continued to apply this racist ideology to bring justice to the Hutu, which turned into revenge for the Tutsi. Hence, this study analysis and evaluates how the citizenship and political identity crisis led to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Kenya's power-sharing agreement, 2008 : a consociational formula?
(2010) Dlamini, Siphetfo Nicholas.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Abstract not available.
Malawi's transition from neo-colonial rule : from a 'culture of silence to a clamour of voices?'
(2002) Manda, Domoka Lucinda.; Jones, Alison Rae.
The phrase a 'culture of silence' is attributed to Jerry Rawlings in the late 1980s, at a time when he was military head of state in Ghana. The irony is that he appeared to be complaining about the 'culture of silence' created by his own military regime. In a 'culture of silence' the masses are mute, that is, they are prohibited from taking part in the transformation of their society. In a neo-colonial state, a 'culture of silence' is imposed on the masses and peace and order are guaranteed by ferocious repression. The basic premise that motivates this research is that the neo-colonial state, a byproduct of the colonial state was influential in imposing the 'culture of silence' and fear in the lives of ordinary people. As such, a defining feature of the neo-colonial state, it is argued, is a 'culture of silence'. Definitions and analysis of the neocolonial state follow lines of arguments put forward by African writers such as Claude Ake, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Mahmood Mamdani. Within this broad paradigm of neo-colonialism, and analysis of Banda's Malawi is developed which pays particular attention to a 'culture of silence'. This in turn leads to an examination of the effect of liberalization on political and civic space in Malawi. The dissertation then, examines civil society activities, during the period of transition of the Malawian state from de jure one-party to de jure multiparty. Here the key research question are: to what extent has an expansion of political space been accompanied by an expansion of civic space, and how, if at all, do civil society organizations ensure that government pays attention to the diversity of voices of the Malawian people? Are traditionally marginalized voices now heard? The objective is to examine to what extent the 'culture of silence' has been dismantled in terms of the opening up of political and civic space in order to enable a 'clamour of voices' to be heard.
Natural resources, profit and peace : multinational corporations and conflict transformation in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
(2014) Whetho, Ayo.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Uzodike, Nwabufo Okeke.
This study is anchored on the premise that contemporary international relations has been characterised by the expansion and growing importance of multinational corporations (MNCs) whose power and influence have had concomitant ramifications for national sovereignty and autochthonous socio-economic arrangements. Through their expansion and operations in host countries, MNCs are imbricated in activities or processes that may exacerbate socio-political traumas and development pathologies on one hand, and those that may facilitate transformative change on the other. In mineral-rich but conflict-prone environments, MNCs are directly or invariably drawn into conflicts in which access to natural resources is germane to attaining/sustaining the corporate objective of profit maximisation. To unpack these issues, the study uses a triangulation – natural resources, profit and peace – to interrogate the roles of MNCs in conflicts and the peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – a country whose ‘biography’ is steeped in conflict. The study relies on data gathered from three (3) focus group discussions (comprising 30 participants, mainly Congolese expatriates in South Africa), 71 in-depth interviews and 150 questionnaires administered in the DRC. Research findings suggest that MNCs in conflict zones such as the DRC are confronted with a choice: to engage in activities that exacerbate conflicts or contribute to peace processes. Corporate complicity in conflicts, which takes the form of illicit resource exploitation and the provision of financial assistance and logistical support to warring parties, lubricates war economies. By contrast, corporate actors make positive contributions in conflict settings through social responsibility projects and humanitarian programmes. Therefore, MNCs can be parties in conflict even as they can be agents of peace. MNCs – as powerful economic actors – are influential host environments, especially in weak states. State deflation gives corporations comparative advantage in the public sphere, thus making their activities – whether positive or negative – extremely significant. The DRC case shows that MNCs shape conflicts in terms of intensity, technological sophistication, longevity and the prospects for their attenuation. However, the study also reveals the potentialities of MNCs to contribute to peace, development and prosperity in host environments. Hence, the utility of mainstreaming corporate peacebuilding into business activities in conflict zones. Finally, the study – drawing from the findings – makes recommendations that address the deleterious consequences of the intricate connections of natural resources, business and conflicts. These recommendations relate to the reconstruction or restructuring of the state in Africa to make it developmental, with a view to mobilising its natural resources for national prosperity; and the consolidation of effective natural resource management and good political/economic governance, with an eye on issues such as anti-corruption, transparency in the extractive industry, and environmental sustainability. The study also recommends the emplacement of sub-regional mechanisms to bolster national capacities for combating illicit resource exploitation and trafficking; the creation of effective international certification schemes to regulate mineral exploitation and trade; and the development of a Pan-African regime for regulating corporate behaviour vis-à-vis conflict-sensitivity and the role of business in peacebuilding and development processes. Collectively, these recommendations not only offer roadmaps for resource-rich countries plagued by, or emerging from, conflicts, and those striving to circumvent the slide into the vortex of resource-related political instability but also prescribe policy choices that facilitate resource-driven development.
The problematic of women empowerment in Tanzania from 1984-2008.
(2008) Okafor, Nneka Ifeoma.; Jones, Alison Rae.
No abstract available.
The quest for hegemony: Kenya, KANU and the 1997 elections within the context of African statehood, democratization and civil society in embryosis.
(1999) Kearney, Sarah Lucy.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Okeke-Uzodike, Nwabufo Ikechukwu.
Abstract available in PDF.
A realist perspective on the regional significance of state failure : case study : the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1996-2006.
(2014) Nshimirimana, Fabrice.; Jones, Alison Rae.
Since the demise of the Cold War, the concept of state failure predominantly has been utilized as a corrective to prevalent approaches designed to promote global peace, development, or humanitarian assistance. These attempts were in accordance with the idealist perspective. However, the events of 11 September in the United States gave rise to the global security concerns. State failure, since then, is no longer regarded as solely located in underdevelopment discourse, but as threat to regional security, and ultimately to global security. The concept of „failed state‟ increasingly is making an impact on security discourse. This dissertation explores the security threats posed by failed states to regional stability viewed from a realist perspective. It elucidates the historical trajectories of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which led it to definitively become a failed state. Although the causes of the Congo‟s failure, seemingly, originate from Belgian colonization and Cold War rivalries, post-independence Congolese political and military elites have maintained and increased its weakness, through secession wars, rebellions, corruption and poor governance. This dissertation contributes to the existing literature on the impact of state failure on regional security by demonstrating why and how, in addition to poor leadership, the DRC has been paralysed by continued conflicts over its natural resources fuelled by regional and global actors in collusion with domestic actors. In particular, the case-study investigates the impact of the 1996-2006 DRC civil wars on the Great Lakes Region. The research demonstrates the extent to which the DRC has been weakened by a combination of the following problematics: past security conditions; absence of sufficient military capability to defend its borders; and inadequate provision of law and order within its territory. In consequence, Congo has become a vortex of regional rivalry and contention.
United States Africa command and human security in Africa.
(2016) Onor, Kester Chukwuma.; Jones, Alison Rae.; Maeresera, Sadiki.
Since 2005, the United States (US) has shifted its justification for the militarization of the African continent to the more humanitarian security-development discourse. This apparent paradigmatic shift presents the United States African Command as more benign than it may be. However, the response to the emergence of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) has ranged from wholesale condemnation to selective criticism of US policy. Skeptics of AFRICOM cite previous US military forays in Africa which led to a disproportionate development of military institutions relative to instruments of civilian rule. Others see AFRICOM as a naked attempt to exert American control over Africa’s valuable natural resources (Taguem, 2010, Esterhuyse, 2008, Isike, Uzodike and Gilbert, 2008, 2009). On 11th July 2009, while addressing Ghana’s Parliament, President Barack Obama remarked that Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war but nonetheless, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. He reiterated that America has responsibility to ameliorate the deplorable human security condition of Africans not just in words, but with support that strengthens Africans’ capacity (President Obama’s address to Ghana’s Parliament July 11, 2009). In his 2010 National Security Strategy (NNS), President Obama called for partnership with African nations as they grow their economies, and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance. In June 2012, he approved Presidential policy directives that outline his vision for sub- Saharan Africa. The stated pillars of US strategy towards Africa are to strengthen democratic institutions, to spur economic growth, trade and investment, advancement of peace and security, and the promotion of opportunities and development by promoting food security and transforming Africa’s public health system (US.Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, 2012). The achievement of these stated goals is incumbent on the third goal which AFRICOM is expected to spearhead. Africans predominantly see Washington’s profession of concern for development and security as transparent cover for hegemonic assertions of “Imperialist power” (Stevenson, 2011:28). However, these debates have been based on conjectures informed by a historical review of major power involvement with Africa. There is a need to move from these conjectural debates to provide empirical details of AFRICOM activities and their consequences for human security in Africa. This study therefore contributes to this debate by investigating AFRICOM’s activities since its formation in 2007. The series of activities by AFRICOM on the continent and its intervention in security situations in Libya, Mali, Nigeria and Somalia makes this study very promising in light of the study’s engagement with the strategic possibilities of AFRICOM through a critical review of the objective security conditions in Africa within a changing global security context. The research identifies the nexus between AFRICOM and human security in Africa. By doing so, it articulates the security concerns of African States and contributes to discussions on, and practices of, alternative ways of providing human security to African people(s). This study argues that the lopsided power relationship between the United States of America and Africa engendered the imposition of AFRICOM on Africans without due consultation with the African Union (AU), while the multi-faceted challenges of poverty, inter-ethnic conflicts, religious intolerance, trans-border crimes and terrorist attacks in Africa induced the US government to categorize the continent as zone of conflicts from whence threats to US stability emanate. The thesis also argues that the successful securitization of these threats by United States government engendered the creation of USAFRICOM. The study constructs the above arguments on historical, exploratory, descriptive and critical foundations. The research contains a substantial amount of fieldwork data on which it bases an empirical evaluation and analysis.