An analytical study of the role of Methodist Church in Zimbabwe in reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013 Joseph Muwanzi Student Number: 215062128 Submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Social Sciences, College of Humanities at the University of KwaZulu-Natal April 2018 Supervisor: Dr. Noleen Loubser Declaration I, Joseph Muwanzi declare that: (i) The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. (ii) This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. (iii) This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. (iv) This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks, and referenced. (v) This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections. ________________________________________ Student Name __________________________________ Date __________________________________________ Name of Supervisor ___________________________________ Signature i Abstract This study analyses how the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) has fostered reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979-2013. It documents and discusses reconciliation and healing processes regarding how the church employed strategies, identified perpetrators and victims who needed reconciliation and healing, as well as worked with civil society organisations in the peace-building process. It also documents how the church conceptualises reconciliation from a social sciences perspective. The study adopted a sequential explanatory mixed-method for its design and worked with a sample size of 240 participants from eight districts of the MCZ within Zimbabwe. Questionnaires and interview schedules were the main source of primary data collection tools. Secondary data were sourced from text books, journals, the Internet, unpublished theses, MCZ Connexional Archives (minutes of conferences) in which conference is the governing board of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe as defined in its constitution as in MCZ (2007) and National Archives of Zimbabwe (newspapers). The quantitative data were analysed by means of the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) programme while content and thematic analysis was used with qualitative data. The thesis was guided by the theoretical framework of conflict transformation based on Lederach’s peace-building theory. Major findings included that MCZ had actively participated in the peace-building process through multiple initiatives with perpetrators and victims of violence who needed reconciliation and healing. Various civil society organisations worked with the church towards peace-building but there was little support from the government. Major challenges that affected effective participation were the enforcement of draconian laws by the government such as Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, Public Order and Security Act, Broadcast Services Act and Non-Governmental Organisations Act. There was a lack of political will, inadequate funding, lack of public counselling centres, fear and lack of social justice. Hypothetically, the study concluded that the church did not participate as effectively as may have been possible in the reconciliation and healing processes. The study has therefore put forth a number of the recommendations for the church under study as well as for future researchers. Key words: political conflict, violence, conflict transformation, church, forgiveness, justice, reconciliation, healing, peace-building ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr Noleen Loubser for taking me through the research study in the field of Social Sciences. She laboured tirelessly in reading many drafts along the way and provided insights and direction. I am immensely grateful for her encouragement and help. To Professor Mandy Goedhals, thank you for building my foundation, specifically in terms of the research proposal. To my former supervisors from Women’s University in Africa: Mr. E. Mbokochena for my first degree (BSc Honours in Psychology) and Dr Eric Makurah for MSc degree in Development Studies, thank you. To Dr Mafumbate, your contribution will never be forgotten. To Dr G. Hapanyengwi, thank you for your technical assistance and introducing me to the world of Information and Technology. Huge thanks to my interpreters Rev. N. L. Rukarwa and Ms. Bala. I am also indebted to the World Methodist Church for granting me a scholarship to study in South Africa. Without their contribution, this study would not have been possible. Furthermore, I am grateful to the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe for its unwavering support and permission to study at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, as well as for caring for my family during my absence. To Kim Ward, thank you for proofreading my work. Last, but not least, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my family. Special thanks to my wife Kumbirayi Margaret for her love, companionship, sacrifice and caring for the children during my absence. Without you everything could have been just a pie in the sky. To my three daughters, Tinotenda, Ipaishe and Zvikomborero, and my son Taremekedzwa who have grown up during my three years away, thank you. iii Dedication To my parents, Mr Nongerayi. M. Chisvo Muwanzi and Mrs Ruramisai Muwanzi for their parenthood that initiated me to the school of learning. To my wife, Kumbirayi Margaret, and four children. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................... iii Dedication ................................................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures .............................................................................................................................................. x List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ....................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Background to the study ............................................................................................................... 1 1.3 Problem statement ......................................................................................................................... 4 1.4 Research questions ........................................................................................................................ 5 1.5 Motivation for the study ................................................................................................................ 5 1.6 Justification of the study ............................................................................................................... 6 1.7 Purpose of the study ...................................................................................................................... 6 1.8 Research aims and objectives ....................................................................................................... 7 1.9 Hypothesis..................................................................................................................................... 7 1.10 Scope of the study ....................................................................................................................... 7 1.11 Structure of thesis ....................................................................................................................... 7 1.11 Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 8 CHAPTER TWO: THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN ZIMBABWE’S PEACE-BUILDI...9 2.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 Participation of the church in reconciliation and healing .............................................................. 9 2.3 Need for reconciliation and healing between survivors of political violence ............................. 20 2.4 Civil society organisations that worked together with the church in peace-building ................. 26 2.5 Challenges faced by church while fostering reconciliation and healing ..................................... 29 2.6 Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 35 CHAPTER THREE: CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION, JUSTICE AND HEALING ...... 36 3.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 36 3.2 Conflict Transformation Theories ............................................................................................... 36 3.2.1 Paul Lederach’s Peace-building Model .................................................................. 36 3.2.2 Other conflict transformation theorists ................................................................... 41 3.2.2.1 Johan Galtung’s TRANSCEND Model ........................................................... 41 3.2.2.2 Raimo Vayrynen’s Analytic Conflict Theory .................................................. 42 3.2.2.3 Kumar Rupesinghe’s Eleven Points Model ..................................................... 44 v 3.3 Justice and reconciliation ............................................................................................................ 46 3.4 Healing ........................................................................................................................................ 51 3.5 Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 58 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODS ................................................................................ 59 4.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 59 4.2 Study setting................................................................................................................................ 59 4.3 Study population ......................................................................................................................... 60 4.4 Sampling of participants ............................................................................................................. 60 4.5 Research instruments .................................................................................................................. 62 4.5.1 Questionnaire .......................................................................................................... 62 4.5.2 Interview schedule .................................................................................................. 63 4.5.3 Procedure ................................................................................................................ 64 4.5.3.1 Questionnaire distribution process ................................................................... 64 4.5.3.2 Interview process ............................................................................................. 65 4.6 Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 67 CHAPTER FIVE: DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ........................................... 68 5.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 68 5.2 Questionnaire analysis – Scoring and definition of variables ..................................................... 68 5.2.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013.... 70 5.2.2 Need for reconciliation and healing ........................................................................ 76 5.2.3 Civil society organisations that worked with MCZ ................................................ 82 5.2.4 Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s Fostering of Reconciliation and Healing ......... 85 5.3 Analysis of questionnaire comments .......................................................................................... 90 5.4 Analysis of interviews ................................................................................................................. 94 5.5 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 104 CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ............................................................................ 106 6.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 106 6.2 Questionnaire results ................................................................................................................. 107 6.2.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013.. 107 6.2.2 Need for reconciliation and healing ...................................................................... 111 6.2.3 Civil society organisations that worked together with MCZ in peace-building ...115 6.2.4 Multiple challenges faced by the MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing. .. 116 6.3 Interview results ........................................................................................................................ 122 6.3.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013.. 122 6.3.1.1 Effective participation .................................................................................... 122 6.3.1.2 Conceptualisation of reconciliation ............................................................... 123 vi 6.3.1.3 Engagement leaders of opposing political parties ......................................... 123 6.3.1.4 Establishment of social services centres ........................................................ 124 6.3.1.5 Provision of humanitarian needs .................................................................... 124 6.3.1.6 Training workshops ....................................................................................... 126 6.3.1.7 Counselling .................................................................................................... 127 6.3.1.8 Religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings ..................................... 128 6.3.1.9 Memorial and reburial services ...................................................................... 129 6.3.1.10 Communication by literature production ..................................................... 130 6.3.2 Need for reconciliation and healing. ..................................................................... 133 6.3.2.1 Reconciling survivors of political violence ................................................... 133 6.3.2.2. Advocacy for peace and justice .................................................................... 134 6.3.2.3 Levels of community targeted ....................................................................... 135 6.3.2.4 Legacy of church on peace-building .............................................................. 137 6.3.3 Civil society organisations that worked together with MCZ in peace-building. .. 139 6.3.3.1 Team work ..................................................................................................... 139 6.3.4 Challenges faced by MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe.141 6.3.4.1 Ineffective participation ................................................................................. 141 6.3.4.2 Inadequate funding......................................................................................... 142 6.3.4.3 Fear of victimisation ...................................................................................... 142 6.3.4.4 Lack of a social justice desk .......................................................................... 143 6.3.4.5 Lack of political will ...................................................................................... 143 6.3.4.6 Poor government legislative reforms ............................................................. 145 6.3.4.7 Divisions over partisan politics ...................................................................... 146 6.3.4.8 Lack of public counselling centres ................................................................ 146 6.3.4.9 Lack of professional personnel ...................................................................... 147 6.3.4.10 Lack of truth-telling ..................................................................................... 147 6.5 Limitations of the study ............................................................................................................ 151 6.6 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 152 CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. ....... 154 7.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 154 7.2 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 154 7.3 Major findings ........................................................................................................................... 155 7.4 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................... 157 7.5 Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... 159 7.5.1 Recommendations for MCZ management ....................................................... 159 7.5.2 Recommendations for future research .................................................................. 160 References ............................................................................................................................................... 162 vii APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................................... 181 Appendix 1: Glossary of terms ....................................................................................................... 181 Appendix 2: Application for Gatekeeper’s letter ............................................................................ 184 Appendix 3: Gatekeeper’s Permission Letter ................................................................................. 185 Appendix 4: Ethical Clearance letter .............................................................................................. 186 Appendix 5: Informed Consent Form ............................................................................................. 187 Appendix 6: Interview Schedule ..................................................................................................... 189 Appendix 7: Research Questionnaire .............................................................................................. 191 viii List of Tables Page Table 4.1: Questionnaire participants ………………………………………………………. 56 Table 4.2: Interview participants……………………………………………………………..56 Table 5.1: Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013…65 Table 5.2: Need for reconciliation and healing ……..……………………………………….71 Table 5.3: Civil society organisations that worked together with the MCZ in peace-building process ……………………………………………………………………………………….77 Table 5.4: Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing ……...80 ix List of Figures Page Figure 3.1: Actors and approaches to peace-building (Lederach, 1999:39)………………….37 Figure 3.2: The place called reconciliation (Lederach, 1999:30)……………………………..48 Figure 4.1: Map of Zimbabwe: District Map for Methodist Church in Zimbabwe ………….54 Figure 5.1: Methodist Church in Zimbabwe participation by gender…………………………68 Figure 5.2: Methodist Church in Zimbabwe participation by status…………………………..69 Figure 5.3: Methodist Church in Zimbabwe participation by training……………………….70 Figure 5.4: Need for reconciliation and healing by gender……………………………………74 Figure 5.5: Need for reconciliation and healing by status……………………………………75 Figure 5.6: Need for reconciliation and healing by training..…………………………………76 Figure 5.7: Civil society organizations that worked together with Methodist Church in Zimbabwe in peace-building process by gender……………………………………………..78 Figure 5.8: Civil society organizations that worked together with Methodist Church in Zimbabwe in peace-building process by status ………………………………………………78 Figure 5.9: Civil society organizations that worked together with Methodist Church in Zimbabwe in peace-building process by training……………………………………………79 Figure 5.10: Multiple challenges to the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by gender………………………………………………………….81 Figure 5.11: Multiple challenges to the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by status…………………………………………………………..82 Figure 5.12: Multiple challenges to the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by training………………………………………………………...83 x List of Abbreviations and Acronyms AACC All Africa Council of Churches AIC African Initiated Churches AIPPA Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act ANC African National Congress AU African Union BA Bulawayo Agenda BCU Boys’ Christian Union BLM Black Liberation Movement BM Borrowdale Methodist Church BSA Broadcast Services Act CA Christian Alliance CC Christian Care/Crisis coalition CCJP Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace CCK Catholic Church in Kenya CCM Catholic Church in Mbare CCSF Church and Civil Society Forum CCZ Catholic Church in Zimbabwe CIO Central Intelligence Organisation COPAC Constitution Parliamentary Select Committee of National Constitution CPSIJRSA Centre for Policy Studies and Institute of Justice and Reconciliation in South Africa COSATU Congress of Southern African Trade Union CSR Christian Social Responsibility CSO Civil Society Organisation CSU Counselling Services Unit CZC Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition DCC Diakonia Council of Churches DDRF District Development Relief Committee DRC Development and Relief Committee EFZ Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe EMS Epworth Mission School. EPOI Ecumenical Peace Observation Initiative ERB Ecumenical of Religious Bodies ESS Ecumenical Support Services FRELIMO Frente da Liberta cao de Mozambique GCU Girls’ Christian Union GNU Government of national Unity GPA Global Peace Agreement HED Harare East District HIV/AIDS Human Immune Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome HDPC Heads of Denominations of Pentecostal Churches HOCD Heads of Christians Denominations xi HRCSPC Human Rights and Christian Social Responsibility Committee HT Habbakuk Trust HZT Heal Zimbabwe Trust IAIC Initiated African Independent Churches IDASA Institute for Democracy in South Africa IFP Inkatha Freedom Party IEB International Ecumenical Bodies IHM Institute of Healing Memories ILZ Ibhetsu Lika Zulu IOM International Organisation for Migrants IPI International Peace Institute JPR Justice for Peace and Reconciliation KMS Kwenda Mission School LHA Lancaster House Agreement LHC Lancaster House Constitution LHCC Lancaster House Constitutional Conference LPCs Local Peace Committees LRF Legal Resources Foundation MCB Methodist Church in Britain MCU Men’s Christian Union MCZ Methodist Church in Zimbabwe MDC Movement for Democratic Change MDC-M Movement for Democratic Change – Mutambara MDC-N Movement for Democratic Change – Ncube MDC-T Movement for Democratic Change – Tsvangirayi MeDRA Methodist Development and Relief Agent MJPA Ministry of Justice and Parliamentary Affairs MPCA Ministry of Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs MMC Mbare Methodist Church MOU Memorandum of Understanding MRAP Moral Re-Armament Programme MYD Methodist Young Disciples NANGO National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations NCA National Constitutional Assembly NGOA Non-Governmental Organisations Act NPRC National Peace and Reconciliation Commission NRIC National Reconciliation Initiatives Committee OAU Organisation of African Union ONHRI Organisation for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration ORO Operation Restore Order PF Patriotic Front PF ZAPU Patriotic Front – Zimbabwe African People’s Union PISI Police Internal Security and Intelligence PM Prime Minister xii POSA Public Order and Security Act PSU Police Support Unity RC Red Cross RCC Rhodesian Christian Council RCC Roman Catholic Church RCI Red Cross International RD Radio Dialogue RENAMO Resistencia National Mozambiqana R/M Ruwadzano/Manyano RSA Republic of South Africa RSS Republic of South Sudan RF Rhodesian Front RFP Rhodesian Front Party SABC Southern African Bishop’s Council SACC South African Christian Council/ South African Council of Churches SADC Southern African Development Committee SALC Southern African Litigation Centre SCJAG Salisbury Churches’ Joint Action Group SCM Students’ Christian Union SCSL Special Court for Sierra Leone SPLM/A Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences SSPRM South Sudan Peace and Reconciliation ST Solidarity Trust SZC Save Zimbabwe Campaign TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission UA Unity Accord /Unity of Agreement UANC United African National Council UDACIZA Union for the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa. UCC United Church of Canada UKZN University of Kwa-Zulu Natal UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme UN’s OHCHR United Nations’ Office of Higher Commissioner for Human Rights URM Unity and Reconciliation Commission UTC United Theological College UW Uniting World WASH Water and Sanitation Health WC Women’s Coalition WCC World Council of Churches WCO World Church Office WFP World Food Programme WOZA Women of Zimbabwe Arise xiii WV World Vision YWA Young Women’s Association ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front ZAPU Zimbabwe National People’s Union ZCA Zimbabwe Christian Alliance ZCBC Zimbabwe Catholic Bishop’s Conference ZCC Zimbabwe Council of Churches ZCCO Zimbabwe Christian Care Organisation ZCTU Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions ZECA Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act ZESN Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZHRF Zimbabwe’s Human Rights Forum ZINASU Zimbabwe National Students’ Union ZIPRA Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army ZLHR Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights ZNA Zimbabwe National Army ZNC Zimbabwe National Constitution ZNHCF Zimbabwe National Healing and Consultative Forum ZNPC Zimbabwe National Pastors’ Conference ZPC Zambia Episcopal Conference ZRP Zimbabwe Republic Police ZSCM Zimbabwe Student’s Christian Movement ZVOVT Zimbabwe Victims of Organised Violence Trust ZWB Zimbabwe Women Bureau ZWLA Zimbabwe Women Lawyers’ Association xiv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction Research on reconciliation and healing has always taken centre stage in post-war communities in terms of how processes have been employed to establish peace and justice by peace-building actors. This study focuses on the role of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) in reconciliation and healing within the political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe from 1979 to 2013. The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the study by providing the background to the study, motivation behind the study, justification for the study, purpose of the study, research aims and objectives, research questions, hypothesis and structure of the thesis. 1.2 Background to the study In the period 1979-2013, Zimbabwe underwent a series of major political changes and challenges. The years 1960-1980 were dominated by the efforts of the Rhodesian Front (RF) political party under the leadership of Ian Smith to retain power and maintain white rule against Black Liberation Movements (BLM). When the liberation struggle ended in 1979, “a peace settlement and independence were negotiated and passed at Lancaster House in Britain” (Raftopoulos and Savage, 2004: 8). According to Kriger (2003), the Lancaster house negotiations and settlement in 1979 involved constitutional, interim administration and ceasefire issues regarding the Rhodesian forces that were attacking BLM and civilians. There were peace talks between Ian Smith’s government and opposition leaders, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Joshua Nkomo of Zimbabwe National People’s Union (ZAPU). According to Bloomfield, Barnes and Huyse (2003), the Lancaster house agreement led to Zimbabwe’s 1980 Independence through amnesty which did not deal justly with human rights violations by the Rhodesian secret service, army and police. Reconciliation was imposed by the elite on victims and survivors while offenders went free. In 1980, Robert Mugabe extended reconciliation to his long embattled political rival, Ian Smith and the RF party, but with conditions of being funded by the donor community for reconstruction of the country; this became an ineffective reconciliation. Kriger (2003) highlighted that just after independence (1982-1987), the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) became terrorists/dissidents and instigated political violence against government agents and the government discovered the ZIPRA arms cache. According to Chazan (1999), Bujra (2002), Staub (2005) and Cohan (2006), political conflict and violence 1 in any given society leaves a legacy of multi-layered nature of posttraumatic stress disorder (PSTD). This posttraumatic stress disorder is viewed by Jenkins (2011) as a multifaceted syndrome that involves re-experiencing, avoidance and numbing as well as hyper-arousal and hyper-vigilance responses to extreme stress after a traumatic episode having actual or perceived death, serious injury, or threat to self or others, hence intervention is needed. This political violence Kriger (2003) and Barnes (2004) implied that in the response against terrorism, ZANU and the government (the current ruling party led by Robert G. Mugabe) committed atrocities against the supporters of ZAPU led by Joshua Nkomo, in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces, which became a shameful national episode of Gukurahundi. In view of Eppel (2004) Gukurahundi refers the first rain of summer that washes away the chaff left from the previous season of which civilians in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces were seen as the rubbish that had to be washed away by Mugabe’s 5 Brigade resulting to loss of around 20 000 lives from 1982 up 1987. The intention was to eliminate the banditry menace but which affected innocent civilians, also there were violent elections coupled with electoral irregularities, politicised land grabbing, murambatvsina (resettlement), disputed elections from 1999-2008. Kriger (2003) and Mashingaidze (2010), the youth militia, the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), Police Support Unity (PSU) and paratroopers violated human rights through mass beatings, disappearances, mass detentions, torture, rape and murders while, according to Gundani (2008) and Dube (2006), around 20 000 atrocities were committed by 5 Brigade in the Midlands and Matabeleland provinces. Bloomfield et al. (2003), Kriger (2003) and Eppel (2004) reported that in 1987 the two rival political parties signed a historic Unity of Agreement (UA) and set up Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) to form a one-party state which was followed by a cloud of amnesty in 1989 which could not be considered genuine reconciliation. More episodic violence was witnessed from late 1999 onwards. Sachikonye (2004) described jambanja (unorderly manner) of land redistribution which, according to Kriger (2004), was orchestrated by war veterans representing ZANU PF party for 2000 national elections against white commercial farmers who seemed to support Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), opposition political party led by Morgan Tsvangirayi. Land grabbing as a tool of campaigning became the second chimurenga (liberation war for claiming back land from white commercial farmers) which led to victims losing land and other related properties without compensation, in processes that clearly lacked democracy (Matikiti, 2014). 2 The elections violence of 2000, 2005 and 2008 left scars of wounds and deaths. Kagoro (2005) has described how, when ZANU-PF lost in the constitutional referendum vote in 2000, political violence erupted against the supporters of Morgan Tsvangirayi‘s party of MDC which was founded in 1999. As identified by Dube and Makwerera (2004) and Matikiti (2014), lack of democracy was evident in the manipulation of electoral systems witnessed in the general elections of 2000, 2005, 2008 and 2013 which were marred with irregularities. Political violence led to human rights abuse, disappearances of opposition supporters, murders, unwarranted arrests, torture, sexual abuse, corruption, unemployment and economic instability. Repressive laws were imposed and key institutions (health, industry, education, security, agriculture and tourism) were seriously affected. As international interventions imposed economic and travelling sanctions on Zimbabwe’s national political leaders, the pressure and political schism worsened. In September 2009 ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change of Tsvangirayi (MDC-T), the main opposition political party, and Movement for Democratic Change of Professor Arthur Mutambara (MDC-M), the splinter political party formed in 2005, entered into a Government of National Unity (GNU). Kagoro(2005) claimed that the church and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) were under a threat of draconian laws such as Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and Access to Information, Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), Non-Governmental Organisations Act (NGOA) and Broadcast Services Act (BSA) which were not involved in the process of national healing and reconciliation because the ruling party (ZANU-PF) alleged they were agents of regime change. Dube and Makwerera (2004) highlighted that the political injustices executed by government agents negatively impacted on the physical, social and psychological spheres of the citizens. Operation murambatsvina (‘operation clean-up of illegal urban settlers’) of 2005, was, according to Dube and Makwerera (2012) and Haider (2010), a phenomenon of diversified political violence against the MDC party and supporters after ZANU-PF lost support from all urban constituencies to MDC. Strategically, the chief perpetrator declared that the process intended to deal with all illegal structures and criminal elements, yet it was a retributive approach against victims who ultimately remained homeless, in need of food, clothes, water and sanitation, education facilities for children, health facilities and employment challenges. As a result, political victims and survivors were severely traumatised. Manyonganise (2015) has described how social, political and religious institutions raised an alarm for peace and justice against political violence, though it was noted in Banana (1996), 3 Muchena (2004) and Chitando (2013), that even at independence in 1980, Robert Mugabe, the then Prime Minister, announced reconciliation across the racial, ethnic and political divide but this was just a rhetoric statement. The Sunday Mail (1984) and (1985) reported that churches could not remain silent in which Munemo and Nciizah (2014), Mutume (1988) as well as MCZ (2009) concurred that it has a transformative role in community where disorder prevails due to political conflict and violence leaving a legacy of negative impact on the majority of the people within various nations where it happens and Zimbabwe is not immune to this. However, the violation of social justice in Zimbabwe left a legacy for the citizens of untold suffering of all kinds, such as loss of life, loss of property, trauma which needed to be addressed. Remedies, according to Chitando and Manyoganise (2011), are through conflict transformation embracing reconciliation and healing processes either by non-faith-based organisations or faith-based organisations. 1.3 Problem statement Given the chaotic political scenario in Zimbabwe, this has become a major challenge of the nation since before independence up to 2013. The political conflict and violence has threatened peace, justice, unity, love and development with negative effects on social, physical and psychological for many citizens. Reconciliation and healing has been recorded. Wink (1997) maintained that the church has the duty to foster the process of reconciliation and healing effectively. However, the role of MCZ in reconciliation and healing has been grossly understudied and recorded and it appears that this faith-based organisation has not contributed to peace-building processes as other churches have. When MCZ embarked on reconciliation and healing it did not work alone, but collaborated with CSOs despite multiple challenges. In an environment desperate for peace-building actors, MCZ operated within a context with many challenges such as inadequate funding and hostility between internal and external sources. Due to the lack of a social justice desk, MCZ did not have effective apparatus to gather relevant information to make an informed response. Division within the church emanating from partisan politics could not be avoided as the church had members from different political parties. As the government lacked democracy, it undermined the political will by not executing justice to protect self-interests and with fear of litigation from international community. Any organisation advocating for justice and sympathising with victims was considered an enemy of the state; fear of this became a formidable challenge to peace-building actors. All institutions 4 inclusive of the churches were under surveillance from state intelligence and were haunted by death threats and arrests. As peace-building actors and opposition political parties carried out their responsibilities, draconian government laws were imposed such as AIPPA, POSA, NGOA and BSA which could not be escaped. This study has navigated the church’s strategies by documenting what MCZ has done and further seeks to explore why and how it engaged in reconciliation and healing. The story of the MCZ has never been convincingly recorded. This study therefore explored why and how it was involved in the peace-building process to initiate sustainable peace. More specifically, the study analyses the role of MCZ in reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. 1.4 Research questions In order to achieve its objectives, this thesis addresses several research questions. These questions ask how the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe addressed the issue of reconciliation and healing in the context of political conflict and violence from 1979-2013 and how it conceptualised reconciliation and healing in the context of political conflict and violence. The research also considered why the MCZ participated in the peace-building process, identified those who needed reconciliation and healing and explored what strategies were used by the MCZ in response to political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe for reconciliation and healing. Civil Society Organizations collaborated with MCZ in the process of peace-building as well as in creating the necessary conditions for the MCZ to contribute to effective reconciliation and healing. Research questions also asked about the challenges faced by the MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing, measures that have been taken by the MCZ in equipping its members for the future fostering of reconciliation and healing and the legacy of the MCZ meant to prevent recurrence of political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe. 1.5 Motivation for the study This research has been undertaken within the field of social sciences rather than within religion/theology despite the researcher having been a minister of religion in the MCZ for 18 years. Social sciences is the dominant approach though there has been an attempt to explore how the two fields complement each other. The researcher wanted to conduct rigorous academic research into the phenomenon of reconciliation and healing. There was also a desire to advance the level of education from the level of Masters in Science and Development Studies. The researcher also has a sense of obligation and a wish to serve the church and nation. 5 1.6 Justification of the study The study has embraced both academic and policy justification with regard to fostering of reconciliation and healing as peace-building initiatives. From an academic perspective, there are no specific studies on conflict transformation embarked on by the church; in particular there is no systematic study of the role of peace-building by the MCZ. Histories of the Ecumenical Religious Body (ERB) of the church have been written in response to political conflict and violence in many African states including Zimbabwe, but little has been written about the MCZ in particular since its establishment in Zimbabwe in 1981. There is an absence of academic literature regarding the political violence in episodes like Gukurahundi (atrocities committed by the government with the intention to eliminate the banditry menace but which affected innocent civilians) from 1982-1987, violent elections coupled with electoral irregularities, politicised land grabbing, murambatvsina (resettlement) and disputed elections from 1999-2008. The study aims to fill this gap through analysing the contribution made by the church and exploring how it handles conflict transformation. Political violence in Zimbabwe has prevailed for many decades. The study also focuses on the challenges faced by the religious and CSOs as co-actors in peace-building. Also, the study aims to contribute to an understanding of preventive mechanisms to harness conflict. The church has been involved in reconciliation and healing programme which the study identifies and describes. As a minister of religion, the researcher was motivated to carry out this study to make a contribution to the church, not only from the pulpit. The aim is to enhance the existing state of knowledge with regard to the church’s intervention in the interests of peace-building for the nation and to contribute to sustainable peace through the study’s recommendations which should benefit the church, state as well as academic researchers. 1.7 Purpose of the study The purpose of the study is to analyse the role played by the MCZ in response to political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe, drawing lessons from other churches within Africa, including Zimbabwe, on how they participated in peace-building after political turmoil. Hallencreutz and Moyo (1988) posited that the church in Zimbabwe, like any other church in Africa, is called to be the conscience of the nation. The study is based on key concepts of 6 conflict, violence, reconciliation, justice, conflict transformation, peace-building, forgiveness and healing. It is guided by the theoretical framework of conflict transformation as outlined by Lederach’s (2001) peace-building model and by research objectives and research questions, as outlined below. 1.8 Research aims and objectives The main aim of this study was to close the existing gap in the literature that purport as if the MCZ had never been involved in the contribution towards reconciliation and healing in the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. The aim was supported by the study objectives which sought; to analyse how the MCZ participated in reconciliation and healing as peace-building processes from 1979 to 2013, to identify those in need of reconciliation and healing, to find out the extent to which civil society organisations collaborated with MCZ in the peace-building process and finally to establish the challenges faced by MCZ while fostering reconciliation and healing. 1.9 Hypothesis The study postulates that MCZ was involved in the reconciliation and healing process within the context of Zimbabwean political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013 despite all multiple challenges which led to ineffective participation. 1.10 Scope of the study The scope of this study was restricted to the role on reconciliation and healing by MCZ within its geographically situated 8 districts in Zimbabwe which is located in the Southern Region of Africa. The study had also been carried out under the review period as from 1979 to 2013 when the political conflict and violence was experienced in Zimbabwe. In terms of the participants, the study focused on MCZ lay-leaders and the ordained ministers. The aspect of this delimitation was meant to give room for other future researchers. 1.11 Structure of thesis Chapter One presents an introduction to the research study. This covers the background to the study, the problem statement, motivation, justification for the study, purpose of the study, the aims and objectives of the study, the research questions, hypothesis and the structure of the thesis. Chapter Two focuses on the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s peace-building. It also 7 reviews relevant literature inside and outside Zimbabwe linked to the study themes based on research objectives. Chapter Three presents conflict transformation as the theoretical framework basing on Lederach’s peace-building model. This chapter also deliberates over justice and reconciliation as well as healing as guidance for how the church carries out reconciliation and healing processes. Chapter Four discusses the research methods of the study and the research design (sequential mixed method). This chapter considers the study setting, study population, sampling, research instruments and procedure. Chapter Five focuses on presentation and data analysis of quantitative results from questionnaires, statistically presented through graphs and tables. The chapter also includes qualitative results from interviews that identified sub-themes. Chapter Six presents a discussion of results. This chapter explores academic arguments that prevail by viewing results in light of the previous findings contained in the literature review. Chapter Seven contains the summary, conclusions and recommendations of the study. This chapter reflects on the research objectives, questions and hypothesis statement and stresses how reconciliation and healing were carried out by the church working together with civil society organisations, the need for reconciliation and healing as well as the challenges encountered in the process. This chapter summarises the key study findings and presents recommendations for the church and future research study. 1.11 Summary This chapter has outlined the thesis and provided an introduction. Chapter Two that follows focuses on the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s peace-building based on literature reviewed within and outside the Zimbabwean context. 8 CHAPTER TWO: THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN ZIMBABWE’S PEACE-BUILDING 2.1 Introduction This chapter reviewed relevant literature on the role of the church in conflict in Africa, but with specific attention to the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe’s involvement in reconciliation and healing within the context of political violence in Zimbabwe. In this respect, critical analysis is considered from both within and beyond Zimbabwean literature, which includes sources such as books, journals, the Internet, newspapers and dissertations. 2.2 Participation of the church in reconciliation and healing Hallencreutz (1998) has acknowledged the role of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) in peace-building. Peace-building initiatives in 1978 included the church’s influence on forgiveness between the Rhodesian Front (RF) and Patriotic Front (PF) and a move towards a proposed transitional government for peace and stability in the country. The 1979 conference resolution of the Lancaster House talks was supported by the church through prayers for the success of negotiations and an appeal to PF to promote peace. Like other church organisations, the MCZ gave part of its land on Epworth farm for refugee settlement while individual church members were involved in joining pressure groups promoting social justice. Hallencreutz (1998) has attested that ecumenical initiatives by Salisbury Churches’ Joint Action Group (SCJAG) worked towards alleviating the plight of refugees through financial support from the Red Cross (RC), Christian Care (CC) and World Vision (WV). Hallencreutz (1998) identified that the church and civil society played a pivotal role with victims of political violence and in peace-building. Banana (1991) has discussed how the church was involved in reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe. Church leaders from Roman Catholic, Anglican and Methodist Churches in Zimbabwe supported negotiations for unity between ZANU-PF and Patriotic Front-Zimbabwe African People’s Union (PF ZAPU) in 1987. The MCZ promised to work with the state towards peace and unity through leadership development in theological training for both clergy and lay people. Other social support services included social services institutions; mission schools like Epworth, Pakame, Waddilove, Thekwane, Moleli, Sandringham, Chemhanza, Tinde, Matjinge and Kwenda; clinics and vocational training centres. Banana (1991) confirmed that employment and health services were also created through mission schools and there was medical work (training health personnel) at Waddilove and Kwenda. In spite of social services 9 support, Banana (1991) criticised the church’s ineffectiveness: the church merely gave periodic statements and took a position of neutrality instead of confronting injustices. The church was comfortable taking back stage and was concerned with survival and apology rather than confrontational advocacy, redemption and protest. The church preached about peace and forgiveness during a time of war and vengeance, powerless love in a state of loveless power, obedience in a state of rebellion and loyalty in a state of illegitimate authority. Hence, it failed to address social imperatives of the armed conflict. Banana’s (1991) work has value for this study in that it focuses on the role of the churches in politics. He pointed out the methodologies, achievements and failures in reconciliation and healing by the church which are critical issues relevant to this research’s objectives. However, Banana’s work is limited to 1991; this research focuses on a longer period (1979-2013) and thus other research needed to be considered. Dodo, Banda and Dodo (2014) discussed traditional religious responsibility as the approach used by the church to peace-building. The intervention was said to involve advocacy, intermediary, observer and education. Dodo et al. (2014) discovered that advocacy was meant to empower the disadvantaged by restructuring relationships and unjust social structures; the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) did this by calling for truth-telling for the healing of wounds. Intermediaries were involved with fact-finding, facilitation and conciliation while church leaders mediated peace agreements. During Zimbabwe’s election period, religious bodies like Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) and Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) participated in election monitoring and physically discouraged violence, corruption, and violation of human rights. Through the strategy of education, RCC and other denominations ran awareness programmes, civic education, training concerning human rights and other basic social and political matters. Religious leaders would also have influenced society to be positive and work towards peace by public pronouncements. Dodo et al. (2014) concluded that almost every church denomination has played its role one way or the other. Specifically, the work is of value to this study by exposing a condensed strategy towards peace-building. Work by the National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) (2012) focused on the collaboration between churches, government and CSOs over the peace-building initiatives and the pitfalls encountered. The church managed to establish instrumental pressure groups such as National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Zimbabwe Election Support 10 Network (ZESN) and the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) to work together for advocating for peace and sustainable dialogue in societies. Where CSOs were restricted in their reach by government, the church influenced ZESN to be allowed by government to observe and monitor elections and gave feedback regarding incidences of violence. The church developed interventions of mediation and forgiveness sessions. The church and CSOs facilitated training for national reconciliation and healing thus developing a homegrown peace-building framework anchored on participatory initiatives for violence prevention, peace and justice. The programme targeted church bishops, ministers, youths, women and established a local multi- stakeholder peace committee. The actors offered trauma counselling and healing for individuals and community healing sessions following bitterness and suicidal attitudes to trauma after 2008 election violence. For the victims of Murambatsvina of 2005 and political violence following the 2008 presidential elections run-off, the Catholic Church of Mbare (CCM) in Harare as well as other churches and the Christian Alliance in Bulawayo offered shelter, food and clothing. Memorial events were carried out by the church together with Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration (ONHRI) for the aggrieved parties. Unfortunately, the programme suffered from a lack of adequate funding, transport and human resources. The church had also limited capacity to handle matters of training, advocacy and justice because ministers were trained and mastered colonial theology focusing on social transformation rather than conflict transformation. The church’s ministers have experience in conducting prayer meetings and workshops. Partisan politics became a challenge. The church was gripped with fear of ruthlessness and brutality of police and militia, surveillance from Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). This fear led to a seeming lack of consciousness of its mission in the social and political spheres. The Zimbabwe Catholic Bishop’s Conference (ZCBC), however, was fearless in denouncing violence and the government’s shortcomings in servicing its citizens because of the backing of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP). Apart from fear, church developed a docile attitude, unusual submissiveness and a policy of non-interference as political violence prevailed. NANGO (2012) criticised reconciliation and healing initiatives as incomplete processes without the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Zimbabwe. The NANGO (2012) work identified that team work had possibilities for peace-building, but the process needed the TRC to be effective. The work is of value to this study as it proposed a bottom-up approach based on education through training and advocacy for peace and justice. 11 It also suggested that the TRC establish an infrastructure tried and tested in other contexts like Rwanda and South Africa for effectiveness towards reconciliation and healing. This has contributed to some of the recommendations for this study. Banana (1996) examined the political interface between the nation, the church and the individual in the growth of Zimbabwe from colonialism to Independence in 1980. Robert Mugabe at Independence called for working together with faith-based organisations towards reconciliation with a spirit of forgiving and forgetting the wrongs of the past. The MCZ and other Christian denominations embraced reconciliation as this was part of the church’s doctrine and one of its responsibilities. Contrary to the initial positive reaction by the church, Banana (1996) argued that the church lacked practicality during the Gukurahundi era, except the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe (CCZ) which responded through pastoral letter of April 1983, entitled ‘reconciliation is still possible’. Banana (1996) identified weaknesses of MCZ as growing cold feet, becoming silent as well as lacking the machinery to establish facts on atrocities. Hence the MCZ failed to play an effective advocacy role during political violence of 1985, 1990 and 1995 during parliamentary and presidential elections. Banana’s work is very clear that violence was a reality in Zimbabwe and that MCZ was not as aggressive as the Catholic Church. It is clear that the MCZ was ineffective and to some extent, it was silent and fearful. Gundani (2008) has provided a framework on how the church can promote reconciliation and healing after the political violence that prevailed between whites and blacks before independence in 1980 and between blacks against blacks post-independence from 1980 to 2008. The 1980s conflict was portrayed as Gukurahundi in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces. From 1999-2007 land crises between whites and blacks were evident as well as blacks versus blacks violence after the emergence of the forceful political movement, the Movement of Democratic Change (MDC). Gundani (2008) suggested that Mugabe was not honest regarding his policy of reconciliation in preparation for the new dispensation by forgiving and forgetting. The ZCBC intervened with pastoral letters but, according to Gundani, these seemed to be ineffective. The ZCC, ZCBC and National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) advocated for the new constitution for positive democracy in Zimbabwe. Gundani (2008) concluded that the church was ineffective though showed elements of participation in peace- 12 building. The work of Gundani (2008) is of value for this research as it has explored the ineffectiveness of the church. The Sunday Mail’s (1985) report on ‘Unity talks vital for peace, say Catholics’ reflected that the CCJP in Zimbabwe and other church denominations applauded and encouraged continuation of the unity peace talks between ZANU-PF and ZAPU which was attained in 1987. Prayer sessions were held for this by other churches soon after ZCBC had broken the ice. The report showed that the church was concerned about peace-building and intervened by advocating for peace talks through statements related to reconciliation and healing. This perspective was useful for assessing the practical role of the church in peace initiatives. The Daily News (2003 reported on how ‘Churches group to heal political wounds’. The church held training programmes to promote national healing and reconciliation which were funded by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Participants included EFZ, ZCC and ZCBC who worked together to address the crisis of political conflict and retribution dating back to colonial era. Church leaders taught participants (politicians, civic society and church members) counselling skills for conflict resolution and management. The Daily News (2003) report is significant for this study in that it describes an effective grassroots (bottom-up) approach to peace-building. It also addresses the research question on which CSOs worked together with the church and on how they fostered peace-building processes. The Daily News on Sunday (2003) published an article on ‘Churches push for ZANU-PF, MDC talks’ which described how the head of Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) called for a National Day of Prayer to urge the two major political parties to participate in dialogue for the nation. The Daily News of Sunday (2003) acknowledged that the church’s initiatives came after Malawi, South Africa and Nigeria had failed to make the two parties agree. The relevance for this study is the identification of a religious strategy of prayer for the nation used by the church and the question of what level of community was targeted by the church, which in this case was the national level. Dube (2006) has documented strides and setbacks encountered by the church in Zimbabwe in response to the genocide Gukurahundi in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces from 1982 to 1987 and the political violence of 2000 linked to parliamentary elections nationwide. Other forms of human rights violations were imposition of curfews, lack of access to medical care 13 and food, mass beatings, rape and unlawful tortures, injury, destruction and deprivation of property. Dube (2006) advocated that MCZ failed to address these issues; only the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe (CCZ) responded. Dube’s work addresses the key question in this study as to why the church participated in reconciliation and healing. As a minister of religion in the MCZ and coming from Matabeleland province, Dube was close to the events making his contribution credible. However, the work of Dube is limited to events up to 2000 leaving a gap concerning events from 2001 to 2013 which this research intended to investigate further. Work by the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conferences (ZCBC), Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) and Zimbabwe Counsel of Churches (ZCC) (2006) focused on the Zimbabwean crisis and church’s responses through the Ecumenical of Religious Bodies (ERB). The ERB involved (ZCBC), (EFZ) and (ZCC) have been described in work by the ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC in 2006. The work identified challenges faced by the nation as lack of shared national vision, political tolerance, home grown democratic constitution, good economic policies, accountability, proper land redistribution and claimed that Zimbabwe suffered from international isolation. Unfortunately, the church was not united against contentious laws such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA). The ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) noted that the church had written a pastoral letter advocating for love, justice, peace and reconciliation for handling matters of refugees, war crimes, poverty, education, health and other social issues and made some recommendations to member churches. These included engaging political parties for dialogue, fraternal and universal public programmes to bring people together for peace-building, use of written material, programmes on radio and television and the establishment of the Truth and reconciliation Commission (TRC) as in South Africa. The collective work by the ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC has a positive contribution to this research study by identifying social justice challenges faced by the nation which led to why the church should get involved in peace-building processes. The writers as the ERB working together with denominational churches also presented a peace-building framework of operation with innovations which contribute to this research’s theoretical framework. The writers also provided clarity on addressing one of the hindrances towards effective reconciliation and healing processes. However, the writers did not reflect in detail on what was actually done by the church, thus the work lacked practicality and hung on promises towards peace-building initiatives. This study intended to explore this gap and find out about other challenges faced by 14 the church and what the church did regarding reconciliation and healing. A report in The Herald (19 November 2009), ‘Form inclusive Govt urgently: Church leaders spoken’, referred to the Church leaders from 16 faith-based organisations who urged President Mugabe, Tsvangirayi and Mutambara of ZANU-PF, MDC-T and MDC-M respectively to form an inclusive government to address challenges of the nation. The church advocated being part of the process by giving spiritual guidance and national healing. This research aimed to ascertain whether the church played an active role in the peace-building, beyond urging the national political figures towards peace negotiations through the media. The Standard of Zimbabwe (28 September – 4 October 2008) reported that ‘Church leaders want truth commission’. The church and human rights advocacy movements were said to have established the structures to run the healing process as with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). This was purported after the GNU between ZANU-PF, MDC-T and MDC-M as the beginning of transitional justice in which MDC-T advocated for retributive justice. Reports in the Standard of Zimbabwe (2008) suggested that church leaders made great strides in advocating conflict transformation and also implied that the church was the conscience of the nation. Haider (2010) described hurdles encountered in the process of peace-building such as the turning down of transitional justice mechanisms proposals by the government. Community- based healing processes were organised by civic society, the church, traditional leaders as well as business community bodies. Haider (2010) confirmed that peace-building initiatives involved memorials and exhumation exercises, facilitation of dialogue between perpetrators and victims and documentation of reports. For example ‘Breaking the silence: Building True Peace’ was reported by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) on the Matabeleland and Midlands atrocities 1980-1988 with over 1000 testimonies as evidence used to heal the region. Haider (2010) has acknowledged team work between church and civic society and highlighted the challenges from the government who did not approve of peace- building initiatives. The Herald (6 May 2009) reported that ‘Churches to continue engaging Government on national healing’. EFZ, ZCC and ZCBC were identified as played a role in promoting national healing processes from the top down to grassroots level, through addressing contentious issues on the Constitution, labour, private sector, media and national institutions that affected 15 cohesion in the society. In addition, The Herald reported that the church had held a three-day prayer for national peace commemorations that was graced by all political party leaders, including several Christian denominations as well as leaders of ONHRI in Harare. The Herald highlighted contentious issues in the Constitution which challenged democracy and required reform. Various forms of engagement and national peace prayer rallies were reported on. Chitando (2013) explored the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Council (ZCBC) responses through the pastoral letter against the government over violation of human rights. The response by ZCBC gave hope to the hopeless community and drove many churches to participate in prayer rallies for the healing of wounds and encouraged strength, courage and perseverance. Chitando (2013) also noted that ZCBC. despite motivating for the religious acts of worship, participated in political dialogue to promote tolerance among communities as they should live together in harmony. Chitando (2013) proposed that the church participated through two approaches: engaging with concerned political parties as well as posting out of pastoral letters. Chitando consolidated the church’s involvement, but only ZCBC was acknowledged while the role of MCZ in reconciliation and healing processes was not noted. This study aims to address this research gap. According to Togarasei (2013), collectively the Ecumenical Religious Bodies (ERB) wrote to the government in the ‘The Zimbabwe we want’ document for settling political, economic and social ills that robbed the rights of the citizens. Togarasei (2013) discovered that ZCC conducted training workshops for monitoring elections. Pentecostal churches under EFZ trained people on skills required to survive in a community as well as preaching the gospel of hope which can be considered part of a peace-building process. Togarasei (2013) considered the concept of democratisation and how this was handled by churches, as well as how churches were represented in taking up their duties in society. Muchena (2004) showed how the church socially supported the community under the threat of humanitarian crisis as well as peace at large. The then Rhodesian Christian Council (RCC), now Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), since before independence has played a pivotal role on social support, for instance, through education in mission schools and key church leaders attending the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference (LHCC) of 1979 in London. This conference called for civic education initiatives for monitoring elections and ZCC facilitated the birth of NCA. In 2001 CCJP a powerful desk in Catholic Church for dealing with 16 social justice matters, organised ecumenical dialogue to address political differences. ZCC’s heads of denominations hosted the Victoria Falls conference with government officials from ZANU-PF and MDC to address violation of human rights and wrote pastoral letters to the government to restore the rule of law, respect court orders and rebuild the economy. The church engaged Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF and Tsvangirayi of MDC in 2003 to set the tone for reconciliation; unfortunately Mugabe could not contribute and later engaged representatives of political leaders of Southern African Development Committee (SADC), local churches and ordinary church members in this noble cause of peace-building. Muchena’s work is crucial for this study in the sense that it addresses the research question of justification of church’s intervention through different approaches. In addition, ZCC’s involvement as one of the religious mother bodies affiliated by MCZ, then suggested the Church under study could be seen in the activities of reconciliation and healing under the cover of ecumenical religious bodies. This also led to a discussion to establish findings over the legacy of the church in peace- building. With regard to Machinga’s (2012) work, it portrayed the role played by the church in Manicaland province after the political violence linked to the general elections of 2000, 2005 and 2008. It established that 4 343 victims were sexually abused, murdered, abducted, tortured, displaced or lost property. The Zimbabwe Christian Alliance (ZCA) and other Christian organisations reached out and assisted around 5 550 survivors through programmes for community healing, dialogue, meetings and healing memories. There was an attempt to care for victims, emotionally, spiritually, physically and sociologically. Machinga (2012) identified, however, that unskilled pastors were not fully equipped for traumatised survivors but concluded that faith-based organisations had worked according to the best of their ability. Machinga’s work is informative and relevant for this research study; it showed that the church engaged at grassroots level, but identified unskilled pastors as one of the shortcomings for effective peace-building. This shall be used as a recommendation for this study. However, his suggestions did not include perpetrators and effective healing and reconciliation often requires engaging with both victims and perpetrators. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) have identified the role played by the church ZCC, EFZ and ZCBC in advocating for human rights, fighting against repression and intolerance, fighting for democracy, peace, unity and healing under the Government of National Unity (GNU). Their 17 work claimed that the church, having seen the need in a fractured society, brought conflict transformation into society through training pastors and lay leaders for prevention, management, peace-building and meaningful reconciliation. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) noted that ambivalence and division among the churches affected the effective role of the church. They recommended that the church, as the conscience of society, take the lead in reconciliation and healing through dialogue at grassroots level. Their work contributed towards this study by outlining a relevant theoretical framework for conflict transformation. According to The Herald’s (26 June 2013) report, ‘Churches condemn violence’, the church did not keep quiet, but condemned violence and established a programme called Ecumenical Peace Observation Initiative (EPOI). Overall, the media such as The Herald and other newspapers in Zimbabwe, have contributed to this study by describing church initiatives that address violence in a peaceful way as well as the various challenges faced by various role players in this process. Ncube (2014) has described the peace-building discourse advanced by civil society agents dating back to pre-independence Zimbabwe and up to 2013. As human rights were politically violated, various civil society-coordinated peace-building initiatives under the Church and Civil Society Forum (CCSF) framework were developed. This was achieved by building a culture of peace, altering conflict attitudes, transforming structural causes and effects of conflict, conducting conflict-sensitive social-cohesion building, mediating and facilitating state-society relations. Activities were organised by the church such as peace prayer rallies, peace road shows, sports for peace, galas and clean-up campaigns. Various traditional peace- building activities like memorialisation and ritualisation were organised at both a local level and a national level. These programmes effectively united participants across a political divide. They bridged political polarisation, breaking down negative labels of, for example, ZANU-PF party as ‘violent ZANU-PF thugs and violent Green Bombers’ while MDC party was named ‘MDC sell outs’ or ‘Western puppets’. These labels often led to physical violence. Ncube (2014) pointed out that reconciliatory activities drove communities together to sympathise with the victims, forgive perpetrators and renounce future political fights. Ncube’s work contributed significantly to this study in terms of addressing research questions linked to why the church participated and how it fostered peace processes. The work was useful in discussing and confirming research results and it reflected the usefulness of a bottom-up approach, a critical tenet of this study’s framework. 18 Bates (2012) has analysed the simultaneous function of Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) and Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Sierra Leone which went through a unique transitional justice process. Bates (2012) identified political violence characterised by violation of human rights in the form of female rape and other sexual violence, enforcement of child soldiers and campaigns of mutilations, amputations and other atrocities leading to 20 000 to 75 000 deaths. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and transitional justice processes which were carried out from 2002-2004 were well supported by local NGOs, civil society, the church of Sierra Leone and the United Nations’ Office of Higher Commissioner for Human Rights (UN’s OHCHR). Other peace-building programmes faced challenges like high illiteracy rates of participants, insufficient funding, poor communication and road links, staff recruitment problems and a short time frame to deal with almost 9 500 cases in a year. Bate’s (2012) work has universal application and this study was particularly interested in how the church and civil society organisations worked together and took up their roles in peace- building. Challenges during peace-building initiatives were similar to those in Zimbabwe’s case. Like in Zimbabwe, funding was a challenge for pressure groups, including the churches, to run the programmes. In Zimbabwe, the concept of a TRC was not accepted by the government while Sierra Leone had two transitional processes that were granted and effected. Successes in other regional case studies were helpful learning opportunities for this study. Gifford (2009) has observed the role of the Presbyterian, Methodist and Catholic churches in peace-building initiatives as efforts to redress political violence in Kenya since 1990s in the post-independent era. Notably, in 1992 the Catholic Church in Kenya (CCK) published a pastoral letter, ‘A Call to Justice, Love and Peace’, in an attempt to change political dynamics as well as engage political leaders. Of interest from Gifford’s work for this study was that churches in Kenya got involved in a volatile situation to build bridges between people separated by conflict within the entire community, a situation similar to Zimbabwe. Both Kenya and Zimbabwe lacked democracy and had disputed elections in 2007 and 2008, respectively. In both countries, churches engaged in peace-building initiatives, workshops for teaching and training personnel for elections, took the role of relief agencies, broke the culture of a one-party state government and encouraged mediation between warring parties. They also faced a challenge of divide and rule from the political leaders leading to religious peace actors not having a single voice and thus becoming ineffective. Gilford’s work on the history of the church 19 and politics contributed significantly to this study through describing a similar situation in another African country. 2.3 Need for reconciliation and healing between survivors of political violence Bloomfield et al (2003) have provided a critical analysis regarding why reconciliation failed in Zimbabwe basing on the famous statement from Robert Mugabe, the president of Republic of Zimbabwe that “the wrongs of the past must now stand forgiven and forgotten”. Justice was supposed to be employed for both warring groups, those robbed and deprived of their human dignity and life as well as the offenders being made accountable for wrongdoings. This adage had roots and branches as white Rhodesian rule had committed injustices concerned with taking land from the blacks and atrocities towards Zimbabweans. The government of Zimbabwe hit back, grabbed white commercial land and other valuable properties without compensation. Bloomfield et al. (2003) confirmed the struggle that had existed between the Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups since mid-nineteenth century when the Ndebele depended on raiding the Shona. Perpetually, between 1982 and 1985 Matabeleland and Midlands provinces were under siege of atrocities by ZANU against the Ndebele ethnic group. In 1987 the Unity Accord was signed between ZANU and ZAPU, but it was little more than a marriage of convenience. Bloomfield et al. (2003) criticised top-down approach during reconciliation processes. Truth- telling and restorative justice were also required to compensate the damaged and inflicted victims. Lessons that can be drawn from Bloomfield et al. (2003) include the importance of true reconciliation without which resurgence of incidents of political violence is common, as in the case of Zimbabwe between whites and blacks pre-Independence and later between Ndebele and Shona people. A top-down approach appears to be less effective for reconciliation and healing than a participatory (bottom-up) approach involving many actors. Bloomfield et al.’s work stresses the need for healing for those who have lost human dignity, loved ones and property. Also stressed is the need for justice for survivors of political violence. It also helps with analysing whether participation was effective. Dube and Makwerera (2012) identified and discussed perpetrators and victims for the period of 1982 to 2008. Matabeleland and Midlands provinces suffered from intra-conflict and the Gukurahundi operation left a legacy of physical, psychological and practical difficulties. The 20 UA of 1987 brought an end to the barbaric behaviour between ethnic groups of Ndebele and Shona. This was facilitated by the church after approaching the former President, Rev. Canaan Sodindo Banana to be a mediator between ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU. Amnesty was ultimately granted to the perpetrators of violence. During the Murambatsvina of 2005, or ‘Operation Clean-up’, the government claimed to be removing illegal structures and criminal elements from towns and cities. However, this was viewed as retributive acts against MDC constituencies which defeated ZANU-PF during 2005 general elections and the run-off to the 2008 presidential election. The elections of 2000, 2005 and 2008 were marred by electoral irregularities and violence between ZANU-PF and MDC. There was violence before, during and after elections against supporters and activists of MDC, journalists, polling agents, public servants, civil leaders, the church and ordinary citizens by security services and ZANU-PF militia through intimidation, torture, murder, imprisonment, disappearance and rape. Consequently, victims suffered physically, socially and psychologically from loss of their relatives, property and employment. Some could not access health facilities, water and sanitation, education for children, and became traumatised by this. Dube and Makwerera (2012) concluded that the main perpetrators were ZANU-PF and the government while victims were opposition political parties, supporters and civic society. The work for Dube and Makwerera (2014) is of great value in identifying perpetrators and victims and this study seeks to understand those in need of reconciliation and healing and to consider the type of attention they require. Sachikonye (2004) has discussed the failed reconciliation policy by Mugabe in 1980 at Independence Day with regard to the land question. Blacks had lost land to Whites since 1890 and they were traumatised. There was no justice or compensation between whites and blacks to promote healing and reconciliation. Sachikonye (2004) blamed this on Mugabe’s autocratic rule, lack of economic transformation as well as the ideology of willing seller, willing buyer. The land fast-track programme (jambanja), which started in 2000, became a tool for ZANU- PF’s election campaign while the issue of social justice was undermined. Sachikonye (2004) concluded that if justice had been fostered, reconciliation policy would not have flopped. However, the end result was ‘tit for tat’, a cyclical political violence. The work’s value in this research cannot be overemphasised in that it identified both perpetrators and victims as well as the need for peace-building that was circumvented. As this research considers the role played by the church in such matters of injustices, the Sachikonye’s work became the foundation of 21 how initiatives for a just community were implemented and justification for the reasons for intervention. The Sunday Mail (15 January 1984) reported on ‘Atrocities: Catholics put reports’ in which the CCJP provided evidence for atrocities in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces committed by the security forces against civilians. The Catholic Church promised to promote justice, peace and reconciliation in response to human rights violations. From this report, it appeared that only the Catholic Church took initiatives for peace-building during this era. The Herald (19 April 1984) reported on the ‘Catholics reply to PM over Matabeleland ‘which claimed that Catholics stood their ground and were non-partisans to the then Prime Minister (PM) of Zimbabwe (Robert Mugabe). They stood up against the atrocities committed by the dissidents as well as by the security forces. This article shows the church distancing itself from partisan politics, which is a hindrance to effective process of reconciliation and healing, enabling intervention without taking sides. Haider’s (2010) research described the attempted national healing, cohesion and unity considering pre and post-independence political conflict in cognisance of the thrust of GPA of 2008 between ZANU-PF, MDC-T and MDC-M. Transitional justice was intended to be a holistic process to address injustices of colonial intrusion, liberation war, Gukurahundi massacres, the land invasions of 2000 onwards, operation Murambatsvina and elections and political crises from 2000 up to 2008. Socio-economic structures were affected resulting in scarcity of humanitarian needs (food, shelter, water and poor service delivery), hence a victim- centred approach was needed by government and CSOs to address psychological, emotional and spiritual needs, especially for the vulnerable groups of women and children. Haider’s (2010) work reflected on the category of victims and exactly what was needed to be addressed, both invaluable information for this study in its attempt to ascertain who were perpetrators and victims and what needed to be done for the good of society. The Herald (21 August 2010) reported that Vice-President John London Nkomo encouraged churches to play an active role in an article entitled, ‘Play pivotal role in reconciliation, churches told’. Having seen the need, the political leader implored the churches to continue to promote peace, tolerance, unity and participation in constitution making processes redressing some colonially inherited ideologies that were counterproductive in Zimbabwe. He also 22 claimed that the government wanted to partner the Christian community in giving a better life to the Zimbabwe citizens. Matikiti (2014) has deliberated on the role of Zimbabwean churches in countering political violence, describing it as a thorny phenomenon in the history of the church in post-colonial Zimbabwe from 1980 up to 2008. Matikiti (2014) is a Zimbabwean scholar whose work has a political theology flavour and who has explored the Gukurahundi that claimed around 20 000 lives in the Midlands and Matabeleland regions, violence orchestrated by army, police, militias, war veterans and central intelligence officers during and after the elections of 2000, 2005 and 2008. Some of opposition political activists of the MDC and their supporters faced arrests, torture, lynching, rape, arson, murder, land and other properties of white farmers were grabbed. However, Matikiti (2004) identified that there was need for church to advocate for peace, justice and reconciliation and that the theological influence was due to neutrality and contact with people at all levels in the community. As was found by Matikiti (2014), there was no doubt that the perversion of human dignity called for the need for reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe which is one of the fundamental objectives of this research study. This work also highlighted the nature, causes, effects, perpetrators and victims of political violence and church’s response that justice and reconciliation were required, which are the pillars of the this research’s theoretical framework.. Muchena (2004) has also raised similar issues over political discord and peace-building endeavours by the church in Zimbabwe. This work noted sources of political conflict and violence as the pre-independence liberation struggle from white supremacy in the post- independence era; 1980’s Gukurahundi in Matabeleland and Midlands; and disputed land grabbing from 1999 and 2002 general elections between ZANU-PF and MDC. The ugly face of politics was characterised by violation of human rights by state security, youths and war veterans. The perpetrators exhibited a culture of violence in the form of torture, rape, arson and murder. Unethically, the criminal actors went unpunished. The current study reflected on how the peace-building actors applied their strategies on bringing the perpetrators and victims to together. Saki and Katema (2011) enshrined the role of non-state actors as bringing social order in the community. Saki and Katema identified both faith-based organisations ZCC, EFZ, ZCBC and Heads of Denominations of Pentecostal Churches (HDPC) in partnership with CSOs and 23 working towards an enhanced liberation theology through standing for justice for the oppressed. A documentary of atrocities in Matabeleland was made by CCJP while churches provided spiritual, moral and practical support in national reconciliation, peace and justice, despite challenges faced. This work confirmed the involvement of the church and CSOs in peace-building without reservations and the church as denominations being represented by religious bodies where the need was justice for the oppressed. Murambadoro (2015) has discussed the role by CSOs and failure of reconciliation and healing from Gukurahundi in the Matabeleland in the 1980s and episodically in 2000, 2005 and 2008 after political violence which the government could not prevent. ZANU-PF militias fought against civilians in successive conflicts such as the food riots of 1998 and fast tracked the land reform programme since 2000. In 2005, electoral violence against MDC party officials and their supporters, in operation Murambatsvini was another political blow. From Murambadoro’s (2015) position, intervention for victims was led by community leaders and CSOs against perpetrators of violence from government; soldiers, Police Internal Security and Intelligence (PISI) and dissidents (1980’s-1997), war veterans and ZANU-PF militias. Three major peace agreements were held: firstly, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement (LHA) involving the minority Rhodesian Front Party (RFP) led by I. Smith, ZAPU led by J. Nkomo, the ZANU-PF led by R. G. Mugabe and the United African National Council (UANC) led by Abel Muzorewa; the Unity Accord of 22 December 1987 between ZANU-PF and ZAPU; and thirdly, the Global Peace Agreement (GPA)/Government of National Unity (GNU) between ZANU-PF and MDC formation (MDC-T and MDC-N) in September 2008. The work of Murambadoro enhanced this study through its quest to identify perpetrators and victims as well as by presenting how the need for reconciliation and healing was addressed. Eppel (2004) has considered Zimbabwe’s perpetual political violence both pre- and post- independence. The government denied accountability of political violence, hence granted amnesty and false punishment towards perpetrators of violence who held influential posts. Eppel (2004), seeing the need, suggested measures that could promote conflict transformation through restorative measures including reburial for mass graves, local justice to be enacted as was the case in Rwanda, rebuilding of destroyed homes, physical and psychological rehabilitation to be carried out, reintegration through cleansing ceremonies like in Sierra Leone, employment opportunities for the youth and memorialisation. Eppel (2004) felt these were not 24 in place; hence reconciliation and healing could not take effect. Eppel’s work is useful for this research as it suggests restorative justice for both perpetrators and victims. Denis (2011) documented the workshop methodology of a joint programme by the South African Christian Council (SACC) and Institute of Healing Memories (IHM) towards healing and reconciliation. The peace-building process was targeting victims of Apartheid, political violence, HIV/AIDS in KwaZulu-Natal province in South Africa between 1997 and 1999. The workshop methodology involves discussion, story-telling sessions and movie or drama performances leading to easing of the participants’ pain. Denis (2011) has proposed that workshop programmes of the church were similar in Zimbabwe though the political context was different. The similarity lies in the political violence. More importantly, the strategies go beyond targeting political victims, such as social victims of HIV/AIDS, and propose a holistic approach to address the ills of the society. Brouneus (2003) has discussed reconciliation in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Diakonia worked with eight partners in this province towards conflict resolution and reconciliation. The actors advocated for the cessation of culture of violence by dealing with social and political injustices. In some of the peace initiatives programmes that were carried out, the church provided the venues, spiritual rituals, counselling for the traumatised (both victims and perpetrators). The civil society actors influenced the political, traditional and religious leadership to promote reconciliation among the communities for enemies to embark on trusting communication and attending resolution workshops. As has been established in the work of Brouneus (2003), though it was in South African context, the crucial issue for this study is that when the civil society came together for a common goal, achievements are attainable for living in peace. This can be emulated in the Zimbabwean situation. Staub (2006) has stressed the impact of mass violence and need for intervention, citing the case of Rwanda. He identified that in situations of political violence there will be two groups representing perpetrators and victims. Victims feel devalued, having been identified as enemies of the ideology of perpetrators and harmed in many ways. They feel abandoned and betrayed by society, including neighbours, friends, and lovers and even their own families as was the case in Germany during the Nazi era and in Rwanda. Victims suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and felt vulnerable as they lost trust in society. Staub (2006) noted that participation in mass killings also created trauma for soldiers and people involved as with 25 Vietnam veterans who engaged in atrocities. Staub (2006) suggested that for reconciliation to take place, the need for a third party like TRC of SA could not be underestimated to create openness between enemies and enabled them to come to terms with each other. Both perpetrators and victims needed psychological recovery and to engage in processes of reconciliation. This can be paralleled with Zimbabwe’s series of injustices, but the TRC was not given the chance here. 2.4 Civil society organisations that worked together with the church in peace-building Hororo (2015) has described the perpetual violence experienced when ZANU-PF lost national elections to MDC in 2000, 2003, 2005 and 2008. ZANU PF refused to relinquish power and prepared for war in 2008 by importing arms from China. This was widely condemned by the South African Litigation Centre (SALC), COSATU, Diakonia Council of Churches (DCC) in Durban, Southern African Bishop’s Council (SABC), Southern Africa Development Committee (SADC) leaders, the Zambia Episcopal Conference (ZPC), Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC) and Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ). Hororo (2015) showed how the church worked with regional pressure groups in fighting injustice without special mention of local civic organisations. This study will therefore explore this gap and investigate how local CSOs worked together with the church in peace-building. The work of Ncube (2014) attested to CSOs working together with the religious community. The CCSF and the Heal Zimbabwe Trust (HZT), an organisation that promoted memorialisation programmes, assisted victims of the violent 2008 elections. The duo helped the affected to mourn the deceased through proper re-burials and by erecting the tombstones that had been denied during the political violence. At memorial ceremonies, only very few political survivors came forth for truth-telling and even fewer perpetrators publicly expressed remorse. The HZT together with traditional leaders carried out community ritual cleansing ceremonies and rebuilt burnt homes. The Zimbabwe Christian Alliance (ZCA), Habbakuk Trust (HT) and HZT embarked on peace dividend projects for the victims of violence such as poultry/goat/cattle restocking while CCSF held capacity-building resolution programmes in conflict analysis, mediation and resolution skills and the participants were equipped to engage in peace dialogues. The Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) contributed through the production of peace-building training manuals and human rights educational syllabi to empower traditional leaders, prison, police and judicial officers to protect and prevent human rights violations. 26 Ncube’s work adds value to this research process by identifying CSOs that worked with the church, considering the contributions by the civil society community towards peace-building across all levels of society and by advocating a bottom-up approach. Sisulu, Richard and Kibble (2009) also acknowledged CSOs that partnered with the church in reconciliation and healing programmes in Zimbabwe from 1980-2008. Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) sometimes initiated training workshops and deployed election monitors, working together with Zimbabwe National Students’ Union (ZINASU), Women’s Coalition (WC), Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum (ZHRF). Zimbabwe National Pastors’ Conference (ZNPC) and the Ecumenical Support Services (ESS) dealt with matters of injustice, politics and economics and victims of Murambatsvina. The church grouped for an interdenominational prayer meeting in Bulawayo for displaced people under Zimbabwe Christian Alliance (ZCA) and Save Zimbabwe Campaign (SZC) which was organised by religious ministers. Sisulu et al. (2009) added value to this research process by acknowledging the team work between CSOs and the Church. At times the church was represented by individual ministers or religious organisations. Furthermore, fundamental programmes relevant to reconciliation and healing were observed and their contribution noted within the Zimbabwean context of political violence. In Murambadoro’s (2015) deliberations on reconciliation and healing interventions, civic pressure groups were identified with specific areas of expertise. The Zimbabwe Victims of Organised Violence Trust (ZVOVT) and Ibhetsu Lika Zulu (ILZ) pushed the government to release findings of the 1980s atrocities by Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commissions which could lead to reconciliation and healing, but to no avail. CCJP, Red Cross International (RDI) and Counselling Services Unit (CSU) became centres for shelter, medical care, psychological and social support for reburial. Zimbabwe Lawyers Human Rights (ZLHR) and Solidarity Trust (ST) dealt with legal repression of unlawful arrests and detentions. The National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) and Bulawayo Agenda (BA) focused on voter education, skills in political tolerance and non-violence conflict resolution mechanisms. Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), Habbakkuk Trust (HT) and Radio Dialogue (RD) strengthened the community by providing a safe space to share its experiences. Murambadoro’s (2015) work added value to this study by identifying CSOs 27 which contributed towards peace-building in various forms and by highlighting the importance of multi actors in reconciliation and healing. Muchena (2004) has identified church denominations and religious organisations that operated in peace-building under religious bodies: Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) composed of 20 protestant churches including the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe, Anglican, United Methodist, Salvation Army, Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) with 60 denominations and Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conferences (ZCBC) represented by Roman Catholic Church (RCC) with the powerful arm Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP). These could be interchangeably called the Ecumenical of Religious Bodies (ERB) or the church. Other religious organisations included the Head of Christian Denominations’ (HOCD) international committee, Zimbabwe National Pastors’ Conference (ZNPC), Ecumenical Support Services (ESS) and Students’ Christian Union (SCM). These religious church organisations were the most active in advocacy for peace and justice. Muchena (2004) concluded that the process of reconciliation and healing was also carried out collectively. His study helped with understanding that often ERB or ZCC, EFZ and ZCBC are used synonymously with the church. Furthermore, when ZCC was involved in social justice activities this included the MCZ as it is a member of this religious body. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) confirmed that the church in Zimbabwe operated with civil society organisations like CC, CA, ZNPC and NCA as well as International Ecumenical Bodies (IEB) like Lutheran World Federation (LWF) and the World Council of Churches (WCC) with diverse resources that were needed to carry out the peace-building. This confirms that the church was greatly assisted by CSOs in various forms in reconciliation and healing work. Staub and Pearlman (2002) have discussed the case of the church in Rwanda, the importance and interrelatedness of reconciliation and healing, which breaks the cycle of violence and enables the capacity of traumatised people for psychological well-being. The process of healing and reconciliation was enforced by the Unity and Reconciliation Commission (URM) in Rwanda after ethnical (Tutsi versus Hutus) Rwandan genocide between 1960s to late 1990s, in which around 800 000 people were killed. The Church was divided; some of the church leaders saved victims while some were implicated in militia killings. The government established a traditional court of justice (the Gacaca tribunals) to salvage the situation. Rwanda and Zimbabwe have similar cases of massacre and a divided church, but the church in Zimbabwe 28 responded to political violence through many more strategies it seems when compared to Rwanda. Also, there was no clear involvement of CSOs in peace-building in Rwanda as was experienced in Zimbabwe. 2.5 Challenges faced by church while fostering reconciliation and healing Ncube (2014) deliberated over the constraints and opportunities faced by peace-building actors in Zimbabwe from 2009 to 2013. It has been stressed that from a resource perspective, donor funding diminished due to the huge size of the civic sector and competition for funding. Financial inadequacy forced actors to minimise the number of programmes and also negatively affected efficient implementation of the CCSF’s peace-building programmes. A civil society urban bias against rural communities was also evident in Zimbabwe. Urban communities received funding while the latter received little and sporadic ventures led to ineffective programmes where they were often most needed. Ncube (2014) pointed out that from a political perspective, the civil society community experienced perpetual harassment, intimidation and while their offices were raided by police who alleged they were working towards regime change with the external community of former Western countries. As a result, police could not give permission for civic society to carry out peace-building work, and alternatively ZANU- PF leaders argued that there was no political crisis and violence, hence no need for peace- building by local actors. In such circumstances, some of the programmes were cancelled or postponed. When the church and civil society partnered for an outreach programme, the church tended to create familiar safe spaces for victims and perpetrators to tell their stories, but prohibitive laws prevented this. Ncube’s work was useful in identifying multiple challenges of reconciliation and healing programmes including inadequate funding, a bias towards peace builders in prioritising urban contexts to the expanse of rural contexts, the harassment and intimidation through raiding of peace builders’ offices by government agents and denial of the government of political violence leading to draconian laws to prevent the reconciliation and healing activities from taking place. This information was helpful when analysing the ineffectiveness of peace-building efforts. Dube and Makwerera (2012) deliberated on the establishment of a comprehensive peace infrastructure in Zimbabwe and challenges faced. After the nation’s experiences of political conflict episodes such as Gukurahundi (1982-1986), Operation Murambatsvina (2005) and the elections of 2005-2008, there the Conflict Transformation and Local Peace Councils (LPCs) 29 were established for constructive social change in line with Lederach’s peace-building framework. Dube and Makwerera (2012) also identified that LPCs were working under the auspices of Organ of National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration (ONHRI) constituted by ZANU-PF, MDC, traditional leaders, religious leaders, women and youth. Their role was to engage victims and perpetrators of political violence. However, challenges faced included lack of a national mandate, lack of moral and financial support from politicians, as well as absence of a common relationship with ONHRI in working together. South Africa, Ghana and Kenya all established infrastructures for peace which was not the case with Zimbabwe because ONHRI was not able to sustain local and national programmes to prevent and reduce violent conflict. Dube and Makwerera (2012) noted that peace-building was incapacitated by all challenges faced. It was of significance to this study for this reason and for showing the involvement of the civil society in peace structures to promote bottom-up peace initiatives. Matikiti (2014) brought to the fore what the church had both managed to do and failed to do within a culture of inhumanness. The church’s failure was due to the following reasons: the church was overcame by fear; the church experienced an identity crisis because of association with the former colonial regime; intra-institutional problems; divide and rule policy of the government; and misplaced focus of peace-building and attacking of each other due to partisan politics. Matikiti (2014) criticised the church’s adherence to a pacifist approach towards peace rather than employing violence which was not a Christian virtue. In addition, traditional churches under ZCC and EFZ were not independent and did not speak or act for themselves, hence Matikiti (2014) recommended churches develop systems to counter the government. The findings were of importance to this study as they address one of the research objectives that seeks to describe the challenges encountered by the church while fostering reconciliation and healing. Also, the work of Matikiti gave strategies that might be adopted to sustain the progress of reconciliation and healing to buttress the internal weaknesses that affected the church. Muchena (2004) identified several challenges faced by churches: lacked necessary resources, government used divide and rule between Ecumenical Religious Body (ERB) and indigenous churches, for example; those favoured by the government became pseudo representatives of Zimbabwean churches in the media supporting the ruling party yet they did not represent the entire church in Zimbabwe. All government critiques, inclusive of ERB leaders from ZCBC, EFZ, ZCC, and others, faced arrests, were marginalised, harassed, intimidated, had their shelters torched and church organisations and denominations were politically labelled ‘enemies 30 of state’. Churches were also under surveillance by state security which was a strategy to silence peace-building actors. The work by Muchena (2004) established that challenges were a reality which limited the church’s effectiveness in peace-building. According to Munemo and Nciizah (2014), additional challenges that hindered effectiveness of the church in fostering reconciliation and healing were identified as: during Government of National Unity (GNU) differences on how to execute reconciliation and healing left the church with deep divisions and political partisanship exposed as independent African initiated churches threw their weight on Robert Mugabe and his ruling party while the traditional churches under ZCC, EFZ and ZCBC identified themselves with the downtrodden opposition parties. The church also became ambivalent as far as being involved in political matters was concerned, some were concerned with political appeasement while others remained neutral. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) emphasised that the church’s close links with civil society fuelled the government to call them both enemies of the state, hence relationships with a common goal for the good of the whole society were undermined. In respect of deliberated facts which caused the church to be sidelined by the government during GNU, it is worth acknowledging that the value of this work for this research study lies in justifying ineffectiveness or effectiveness of the role played by the church. Machakanja’s (2010) work focused on recommending necessary conditions be in place for successful reconciliation and healing. Prior to that, identified political challenges were draconian laws of AIPPA and POSA which hampered the peace-building initiatives by the church and CSOs. Positive conditions required included legislative reform, political will, transformative and restorative justice, civil society engagement, consensus building, truth- telling, education for national healing and reconciliation, research on trauma, counselling for trauma and grief, memorialisation and ritualisation, as well as funding. Also special healing places and community intervention programmes aimed to offer survivors trauma healing, counselling, relaxation and therapeutic processes, skills-oriented programmes leading to peace through community reconciliation, engagement and empowerment. Machakanja (2010) advocated for justice that requires team work to restore the injured and for direct involvement and the opportunity to participate fully in response programmes. Government has to preserve a just public order as well as secure safe, social and political spaces, while the community builds, nurtures and maintains a sense of justice and peace. Such collaborative encounters create opportunities for victims/survivors, offenders and community members to discuss their 31 personal experiences of atrocities and their impact and opportunities for meaningful contributions in their own lives and society. This work was valuable in that it established some of the drawbacks faced by the church to effectively administer reconciliation and healing and outlined necessary conditions that promote effective peace-building processes. These conditions are useful in enhancing the scope of the research theoretical framework used to review how the church operated and was affected at the same time. In Haider’s (2010) work, the church and civil society pushed for the transitional justice mechanisms but the government would not cooperate. Failed mechanisms included criminal procedures (trials) turned down since security and justice institutions were partisan towards the chief perpetrators (Mugabe and his government). Many perpetrators could not stand for the trials because some were aged or dead; as time passed, the culprits became overshadowed. Compensation of the victims failed due to financial crises and lack of political will. Over 70 CSOs met in South Africa for a symposium on civil society and justice in Zimbabwe that recommended a Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) (as in South Africa and Rwanda) to be facilitated by judiciary, faith-based organisations and ordinary people. The following were proposed: truth for amnesty and reparation/compensation for rebuilding and restocking homes that had been destroyed, a scholarship fund for children of rape, equity in redistribution of land and for loss of property – none of these endorsed by the government. Haider (2010) suggested that the government was a chief perpetrator and used tactics of creating hindrances despite being presented with peace-building options to restore justice. Hororo (2015) has shared other challenges faced in the process of promoting reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe. Opposition political parties and the church called for the government to act upon the legislative reforms but they were ignored. Areas that needed to be addressed included the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act (ZECA), the POSA, BSA and AIPPA and the Zimbabwe National Constitution (ZNC), release of political prisoners and cessation of violence, permission for humanitarian organisations to operate and involvement of African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) in parliament swearing-in of ministers. The church was not co-opted into National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration (ONHRI) to lead the process of acknowledgement, reparations, forgiveness, truth-telling and assurance injustices to the society of Zimbabwe would not recur. Hororo’s work raised notable impediments towards peace-building, including the lack of political will and poor government legislative reforms. 32 Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) focused on the church’s responses to and suggestions for managing challenges in reconciliation and healing. The ZCC, ZCBC, EFZ (alternatively HOCD), Union for the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa (UDACIZA) as well as CSOs all actively worked to address the political crisis in Zimbabwe. This was done through attending humanitarian needs, counselling, sheltering, food, clothing, health services and educational needs in response to the Murambatsvina effects in 2005-2008. Dialogue was promoted among political parties and civic education throughout the country. Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) noted the challenges as divisions among faith-based organisations, lack of financial resources, limited education in politics by ministers of religion and fear. They suggested that the church be united and empower ministers with relevant education in peace- building. This work illustrated the difficult conditions and possible reasons behind why the church was not as effective as it could have been. Murambadoro (2015) has discussed the challenges of multi peace-building actors. Truth-telling would have promoted reconciliation and healing after acknowledgement, apology, reburial of mass graves and establishment of memorial sites and museums; in this way, survivors could come to celebrate history and ease their pain. Murambadoro (2015) noted that the government would have been condemned by the international community if the truth about violation of human rights was disclosed. Therefore the government intensified surveillance against truth- telling. Gifford (2002) has explored the role of Christianity and challenges faced in peace-building efforts in Liberia under the autocratic leadership of Samuel K. Doe. Challenges faced by the church and civil society organisations included lack of freedom of speech, movement, assembly and violation of the constitution and fundamental human rights by repression of the media. Gilford (2002) identified various injustices that were faced by citizens and conflict transformation actors including divide and rule among the churches by the government and arrests of peace-builders. Gifford (2002) has shown undisputed parallelism of political violence in the contexts of Liberia and Zimbabwe: lack of democracy leading to violation of human rights, churches as well as individual religious figures were involved in peace-building but there was a division between mainline churches and Evangelical/Independent churches in both contexts. Politics in Africa have similar traits and regional influences are evident. Thus, similar trends might be effective in correcting legacies of political conflict and violence in different 33 countries. Also, justice requires consensus between the government and civic society over peace-building. Sanscullotte-Greenidge, Taban and Gogok (2013) have highlighted how the Republic of South Sudan (RSS) has grappled with peace-building initiatives to attain sustainable peace that was disrupted by armed groups, rebellious and local conflicts across the country. Challenges that led to ineffective processes included short time frames for preparations, lack of local and national engagement, threat of political backlash, inadequacy of funding for programmes and failure to define a model of reconciliation that would provide a relevant framework to work with. Later the government combined various methodologies for a successive peace-building initiatives through the South Sudan Peace and Reconciliation (SSPRM). Suggested strategies were that the process should be bottom-up, free from political interference, inclusive of all levels of society, legislated and should remain non-partisan, revenge should be controlled, retribution or amnesty options should be provided for, enough funding, freedom of media coverage of national debates within legislative assembles, learning institutions and religious platforms for wider consultation. Importantly for this research are the similarities between RSS and the Zimbabwean situation, for example, inadequate funding, political interference, training workshops, repressive laws for the media, engagement of concerned parties and involvement of church and other civic organisations. Efforts for reconciliation in both case studies failed due to the noted impediments, but South Sudan revised the conditions for success in reconciliation. This work highlights the need for revisiting unfavourable conditions in the Zimbabwean context was done in the RSS. Bartoli (2002) noted that after independence of Mozambique in 1975, there was armed struggle for 30 years between the Frente da Liberta cao de Mozambique (FRELIMO), the ruling party led by Eduardo Mondlane, followed by Samora Machell and J. Chissano, and the Resistencia National Mozambiqana (RENAMO) led by Alfosno Dklakama. The political conflict led to massacres, infrastructural destruction leading to the suffering of citizens as they seek refugee from neighbouring countries. Religious church leaders from Catholic, Anglicans and Muslims as well as traditional leaders worked together with diplomats from Kenya and Zimbabwe and representatives from business community. The church and civil society had a misunderstanding over religious terms like forgiveness and reconciliation in peace agreement, but human rights 34 activists argued that violated human rights issues had to be addressed for reparation and transitional justice and so as not to defeat the spirit of oneness. The writer also emphasised that the church should be above reproach so that internal weaknesses would not be a hindrance to peace-building initiatives. Essential for this study from Bartoli’s work is peace builders in Mozambique had challenges between themselves unlike in Zimbabwe where the conflict was between peace actors and the government in most cases. It is important for positive participation in peace-building, therefore, that there are no internal weaknesses in the Zimbabwean church. 2.6 Summary Chapter Two has reviewed relevant literature to this study, both from a Zimbabwean context and other African countries to compare how peace-building initiatives were handled during and after political conflict and violence. Themes emerging from the literature were participation of the church in reconciliation and healing; the need for reconciliation and healing, forgiveness and reconciliation; CSOs working together with the church in reconciliation and healing; and the challenges faced by the church during the process of reconciliation and healing. The literature highlighted activities of the church in reconciliation and healing. Many CSOs teamed up with the church. Various challenges were also articulated. Helpful sources included text books, newspapers as well as online journal articles. The comprehensive literature review in this chapter leads into the forthcoming theoretical framework chapter. The review has shown that political conflict and violence could not be over emphasized in Zimbabwe and that the church and civil society played a pivotal role in peace- building though their work was confronted with challenges. More importantly, this chapter has addressed the rationale of the study, providing secondary data which will be referenced by the primary data from interviews and questionnaires. The following Chapter Three focuses on the theoretical framework for the study. 35 CHAPTER THREE: CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION, JUSTICE AND HEALING 3.1 Introduction This chapter has focused on an identification and discussion of Conflict Transformation Theory and its proponents such as Paul Lederach, Johan Galtung, Raimo Vayrynen and Kumar Rupesinghe. Lederach’s peace-building model had been adopted as the key research study’s theoretical framework, supplemented by the others. The chapter also addresses the aspect of justice and reconciliation as well as healing which embraced counselling, symbolic forms of healing and forgiveness. 3.2 Conflict Transformation Theories The theory of conflict transformation is viewed as an approach that “seeks to change the conditions that give rise to underlying root causes of the conflict” (Diamond, 1994: 3). Diamond (1994) proposed that the conflict transformation process is characterised by terms such as nation building, national reconciliation and healing, change of gentry and social transformation. Miall (2007) and Lederach (1997) stressed that conflict transformation seeks for alteration in the fundamental relationships, social structures and contextual conditions that gave rise to the conflict and for developing creative responses that promote peaceful change within those dimensions. The processes are meant to achieve sustainable peace in a society that has undergone political turmoil. 3.2.1 Paul Lederach’s Peace-building Model According to Miall (2004) and Paffenholz (2013), Lederach is the founding theorist of peace- building model for conflict transformation. According to Ncube (2014), peace-building can be understood as a set of long-term initiatives undertaken perpetually through various stages of conflict be it before, during or after and involving working together at several levels of society. It emphasizes transformative social change that is accomplished both at the process- oriented level, and through tools such like negotiation, mediation, and reconciliation, and on structural level, through the development of resilient institutions and social process that facilitate conflict to be resolved through political, rather than violent approaches. Paffenholz (2013) proposed that the theory of peace-building places reconciliation at the centre of developing long-term infrastructures to bridge destroyed relationships within societies. In 36 view of MCZ’s intervention programmes its reconciliatory approach towards political conflicts and violence permeated all structural levels of society through perspectives of negotiations and mediation between political parties such as ZANU-PF and MDC-T. Lederach (2001) contributes the idea of conflict transformation through peace-building in a model with a pyramid (see Figure 3.1 below). Figure 3.1: Actors and approaches to peace-building (Lederach, 1999: 39) According to Lederach (1997), conflict transformation as a peace-building initiative, segments conflicted society into three levels. The top level is composed of national military, political and religious leaders responsible for negotiations to end the conflict. In this case MCZ through its 37 leaders- ministers of the religion inclusive of bishops of the districts and the head of church as well as lay-leaders were involved in engaging politicians visiting or inviting them and also met them collectively with HOCD at symposium meetings in Victoria falls, Kariba and in South Africa. This is a top-down approach to peace-building through mediators supported by external powers such as SADC, AU or UN to reach a political conflict settlement and bring in a political transition framework from war to peace. Paffenholz (2013) added that in the theory of peace- building, the role of external peace builders in a top-down approach is limited in supporting internal actors, co-ordinating external peace efforts, engaging in a context-sensitive way, respecting local culture and applying a long-term approach, though Lederach (1997) stressed that the potential to achieve peace is in the hands of top political leaders which moves down to the rest of the population. For Lefranc (2011), top-down is initiated from the international community focusing on the political elites and institutional reforms. Campbell (2011) argued that for it to be effective, it should not bypass the local authorities as in the case of Afghanistan which failed dismally. Top-down has to ensure that dissemination of information has reached all levels of community before implementation of peace-building strategies. Ncube (2014) also confirmed that the trickle-down/top-down system is coupled with multiple challenges that can undermine the effectiveness of peace-building. This elite-driven reconciliation process can be affected by lack of an empowering constitutional/legal policy framework for peace-building activities and lack of a clear peace-building mandate. The middle level (Figure 3.1) Lederach (1997) proposed is constituted by leaders from various sectors such as ethnic/religious, academic/intellectuals and humanitarian NGOs tackling problem-solving workshops training in conflict resolution, peace commissions through insider partial teams. Problem-solving workshops offer an informal setting to develop answers for the problem and this category of leadership influences positive opinions. The workshops provide for convening of parties, facilitating meetings and expertise on the scrutiny of conflict and processes of conflict resolutions. With regards to problem-solving workshop training, the MCZ was seen participating through conducting peace and justice awareness workshop training. Lederach (1997) also suggested that conflict resolution training is essential for awareness. People need to be educated about conflict and equipped with skills for handling conflict in the form of analytical, communication, negotiation or mediation skills and this can be applied across all levels of society. The peace commission developed an infrastructural framework to deal with past wrong behaviours such as the TRC in Rwanda or South Africa, which has the potential to sustain the trend of general peace. 38 Lederach (1997) observed that the third level in Figure 3.1 is the grassroots level composed of local leadership, indigenous NGOs, community developers, health officials and refugee camps. Local leadership has the responsibility to develop local peace commissions, grassroots training, prejudice reduction and psychosocial work in post-war trauma. According to Figure 3.1 above, in this case, the church as a religious institution is positioned at the top and middle levels of actors, but mainly at the middle level where it connects the grassroots and the top level in peace-building processes. The grassroots (where massive numbers of people are) need strategies to meet human basic needs of food, shelter, safety, health and counselling for the traumatised. Hence provision of humanitarian needs to victims of violence was extended by MCZ through its structures in partnership with civil society and the government. These strategies need to be facilitated by peace-building actors like civic societies including the church with the help of UNICEF. This is a bottom-up approach which succeeded in various settings such as in Somalia, Mozambique, Liberia and other conflict infested communities. Negotiations over access to resources and compensation need to take place as well. Ncube (2014) contended that local civil society has a critical role in peace-building because it is always in touch with the grassroots in contexts of socio-political conflict and has the potential to facilitate conflict transformation. On that note, civil society’s democratisation agenda involves protection, monitoring, advocacy, participation, socialisation, building social capital, mediation as well as service delivery which is a holistic approach to peace-building initiatives. Paffenholz (2013) asserted that the recurrence and emergency of armed conflict in Angola and Somalia, Yugoslavia and Rwanda confirmed limitations of external driven peace-building approaches (top-bottom), thus Lederach emphasised the bottom-up/internal approach to peace- building in conflict-centred communities. Paffenholz (2013) observed the recurrence of armed conflict in Somaliland which exposed limits to externally driven peace-building, while local bottom-up peace-building where Paul Lederach was actively involved led to successful reconciliation. Campbell (2011) concurred with other scholars that a participatory bottom-up approach is vital for strengthening capacities of societies to peacefully resolve disputes, develop trust, safety and social cohesion within and between communities while promoting inter-ethnic and inter-group dialogue. While a bottom-up approach to peace initiative processes is popular, it is unfortunate that bottom-up approaches can have problems if the government lacks political will and undermines effective conflict transformation processes. Ncube (2014) stressed that bottom-up peace-building initiatives by civil society are effective. 39 In the views of Mani (2005) and Ncube (2014), peace-building must deal with positive and negative peace, whereby the latter represents an absence of direct violence like cessation of hostilities. The task of negative peace-building is to prevent a relapse into overt violence. Positive peace involves the removal of structural and cultural violence through various approaches for recovery and expediting the removal of the underlying causes of internal war. Furthermore, Ncube (2014) pointed out that the function of peace-building can be dichotomized as political peace-building which embraces activities that discourage perpetual conflict, structural peace-building so that state institutions have both legitimacy and responsiveness to provide public goods, as well as social peace-building through activities that re-establish broken relationships and the transformation of perceptions and attitudes at the root cause of conflict or violence. In view of the said activities, MCZ embraced forgiveness teachings, peace and prayer rallies characterized with lessons calling for reconciliation and healing. This analysis is congruent with Lederach’s conflict transformation and peace-building in the sense that Lederach (1997) stressed that peace initiatives must be holistic reconciliatory focused processes that reconstruct infringed relationships and bring about spaces of encounter between victims and perpetrators through values of mercy, justice, truth and peace. Botes (2003) and Paffenholz (2013) conceded that peace-building in chaotic environments requires change in personal, structural, relational and cultural aspects. Lederach’s peace-building model “addresses and coordinates change at all three levels of society. It recognises the potential, importance, legitimacy, uniqueness, and interdependency of the needs and resources of civil society in their own peace-building processes, and promotes coordination across all levels and activities” (Shulika, 2013). Lederach (1997) reflected that it focuses on foundation establishment of multiple actors and activities aimed at achieving and sustaining reconciliation which is “rebuilding broken relationships” (Ministry of Home Affairs, 2012:14). According to Fransson (2008), all theorists argue that contemporary conflicts need involvement of the entire society in peace-building processes, mediation is indispensable, change is gradually attained and should end in win-win situations. Above all, theorists agree that this conflict transformation is centred on engagement to bring positive change rather to remain with conflict among relationships. Hence, constructive conflict brings change and the opposite is true of destructive conflict. Lederach’s approach to conflict transformation is useful for this study in the sense of being focused on what to transform as well as the goal. The process is clear in promoting multi peace-building actors, approaches, activities and had been tried and tested and which are applicable to this study. 40 3.2.2 Other conflict transformation theorists 3.2.2.1 Johan Galtung’s TRANSCEND Model According to Pathak (2015), TRANSCEND refers to going beyond conflicts or contradictions and transforming conflicts by peaceful means. The idea of TRANSCEND in “conflict transformation has itself to be peaceful in order not to make the situation worse by sowing new seeds for future violence” (Galtung, 2007: 14). Accordingly, MCZ engaged the political arena pervaded by violence, reducing tension through propagating the teachings on forgiveness as mediation, engagement and reconciliatory thrust to manage revenge among the enemies. Those who lost social support were assisted with all required humanitarian needs such as food, shelter, clothing, medication and school material for the school learners. Galtung (2007) stressed that his TRANSCEND approach focuses on various intermediary concepts that promote peaceful means. It has been pointed out that a peace culture rejects all elements that disturb the peace by peaceful means and builds peace through education. The peace structure of infrastructure needs to be one of equality, equity and reciprocity across fault lines to promote conflict transformation, prevent genocide and is legitimised by a deep culture of peace. Mediation aims to soften contradictions between the goals of parties so that they can live and handle themselves with empathy to each other through non-violent behaviour. The conciliation in view of trauma problems as caused by perpetrators, needs engagement for dialogue for the healing of the wounds and also in view of Dahl (2009) healing in the sense of rehabilitation either society or individuals wounded. All these culminate in peace-building that seeks to restore broken relationships. In view of Gaultung’s transcendence of peaceful means, Rusila (2015) put forward three steps that support the approach, namely confidence building, reciprocity relations and identification of gap between the rival parties. The significance of TRANSCEND approach to conflict transformation is that it does not focus on identifying the guilty for punishing them as in a traditional legal process, but aims to create an attractive new conducive reality and creativity acceptable to all involved in the conflict, be it in the family, community or institutional levels within them and beyond. In reviewing the approach, its emphasis is on dialogue by mediation which relates to Lefranc’s (2011) proposal that bottom-up peace-building techniques consider local dialogue by stressing relations among ordinary people. 41 According to Miall (2004), the theorist Galtung is a pioneer in the area of conflict transformation, who argues that it is possible to transcend conflicts if parties are assisted to explore, analyse, question and reframe their positions and interests. According to Botes (2003), Galtung’s theory of conflict transformation has more to offer in respect that every conflict has a finite life and an end whereby it is solved or declared intractable. Galtung (2007), in his analysis of conflict transformation, asserted that peace depends on transformation into another relation between conflicting parties since violence is a product of untransformed conflict. Tilahun (2015) observed that Galtung had an understanding of peace in two dichotomies: positive peace as integration of human community and negative peace as the absence of violence. Grewal (2003) proposed that positive peace involves strategies of integration of human society through improved communication and understanding, peace education, institutional cooperation, dispute resolutions, arbitration, conflict management peace by peaceful means. In this regard, Galtung concluded that forceful means cannot transform conflict. It was observed by Herath (2016) that this positive peace is sustainable and builds on justice for all people while negative peace is without justice and comes at the cost of justice involving conflict. Grewal (2003) and Tilahun (2015) conceded that it is also the absence of violence, pessimistic, curative, peace not always by peaceful means. Galtung (2007) contended that for conflict to be transformed, strategies should be peaceful so as to neutralise intensity of violence through training, research, counselling and mediation in the way TRANSCEND focuses on transforming cultural and structural violence. In as much as MCZ was involved, counselling was carried out in various forms for psychotherapy purposes. In view of Galtung’s theory, the “goal of peace-building and conflict transformation is to enable people to be self- reliant in dealing with conflicts using peaceful means” (Galtung, 2007: 128). Generally, Galtung’s theory assists with explaining Lederach’s and insisting that the aim for conflict transformation should be non-violent, but it is not as holistic as that of the peace-building model. 3.2.2.2 Raimo Vayrynen’s Analytic Conflict Theory According to Miall (2007), the analytic conflict theory is the theory based on understanding transformation rather than settlement of dynamic forms. The latter is the bulk conflict theory concerned with issues, actors and interests and focused on to establishing solutions to mitigate or eliminate contradictions between them. The approach focuses on four types of intervention that peace builders should act upon as discussed by Miall (2004), Ryan (2007) and Vayrynen 42 (1991). Actor transformation brings about changes in parties concerning the conflict or the outlook of new actors. It is of great value to focus on issue transformation which has to alter the political drive and ideology of the conflict, for instance, when winning political support is enforced by forcing and beating people. In terms of rule transformation, this dimension targets changing the norms or rules governing a conflict among conflicting groups which fosters hindrances in their good relationships. In view of structural transformation, what has to be influenced for change is the whole structure or system of relationships and power distribution within which conflict occurs. Botes (2003) noted that Vayrynen’s contribution was on how conflict transformation should work in practice as it seeks to identify what needs to be redressed. Vayrynen pointed out that changes should be for the micro (parties and nature of conflict) and macro (socio-political system where conflict is). Miall (2007) noted the relevance of both Vayrynen’s theory and of Lederach’s theory of peace-building. Conflict transformation needs a third part to facilitate peace; it needs to focus on structural and relational transformation and it may not always be most effective to find change at the level of existing political elites. The two theorists concurred on the effectiveness of transforming conflicts through a bottom-up approach. Ryan (2007) observed that Vayrynen’s theory was anchored on mediation as it links to a broader range of social and political theories and it involves change to all levels of society. This theory has relevance within MCZ’s context of intervention as a conscience of the nation to fulfill its transformative role as a third party in mediation and training workshops on peace and justice. However, it has limitations of not being expansive to accommodate some of the activities fostered by MCZ. Also, it has given lenses to researchers to look at what has to be transformed as mitigating solutions are put in place. However, Vayrynen’s theory is less comprehensive than Lederach’s theory of peace-building. The former is less clear on the structural levels of the society, diversified intervention strategies, the scope for drawing peace-building resources and time frames than the former. Miall (2004) argued that Vayrynen’s theory is basically analytical and interpretative lacking the practicality of transforming conflict in society while Lederach’s theory is prescriptive, offers peace-builders a means to conceptualise a path from conflict towards desired outcomes. Lederach’s theory is thus preferred for this study. 43 3.2.2.3 Kumar Rupesinghe’s Eleven Points Model According to Fransson (2008) and Shulika (2013), Kumar Rupesinghe’s theory is constituted of eleven elements involved in a conflict transformation process within the country under the conflict. The pre-negotiation stage initiates the warring parties into negotiation process for the sake of coming up with terms for sustainable peace while the stage of understanding root causes is critical for identifying sources of a given conflict and developing relevant peace measures. As has been enshrined in relevant literature review and primary data, MCZ was represented in playing peace talks of 1979 Lancaster House Conference between BLM and Rhodesian Forces, during the 1987 Unity Accord between ZANU-PF and PF ZAPU after Gukurahundi era and was also involved in the 2008-2009 mediation between MDC-T and ZANU-PF leading GNU. Ownership of the peace process level allows the local actors to be primary architects, owners and long-term stakeholders unlike an international community project which might do more harm than good. Solomon and Mngqibisa (2000) added that this is relative to a bottom-up process that has total support for the peace work because the locals feel it is their peace. Fransson (2008) observed that identifying all the actors, involves them in peace process. Actors include the elite, local leaders, women, non-military actors and opinion shapers who, when involved, minimise chances for a breakdown in the peace process. In as much as identifying of all the actors is vital, facilitators are critical as they contribute through their expertise and knowledge to various matters such as finances, skills in mediation, legal aspects or in designing a peace process. Also, the setting of a realistic timetable is important. Rupesinghe (1995) proposed that sustaining the effort requires financial resources, patience and constant support from sponsors. For the stage of evaluating success and failure involves reflecting of interests for the parties, approaches to transform conflicts, progress or challenges encountered and then drawing lessons from the process. Rupesinghe (1995) and Fransson (2008) viewed strategic constituencies as various important networks embracing media, religious institutions, peace institutions, government officials, donors and business community. With the aspect of use of religious institution as reflected by this theory, MCZ employed health services centres, vocational training centres as well as mission schools to foster reconciliation and healing. The involvement of SCOs guarantors in negotiating peace is also important. Outside peacemakers as well as local peacemakers are critical in peace-building. The former are a form of non-partisan broker for mediating mitigating resolutions since the state is always party to the conflict. The latter, the local community, are involved in peace-building initiatives with a first-hand knowledge of conflicts, 44 actors, the political situation and cultural background. They have the will to own and ensure sustainability more than outsider actors. Miall (2004) said Rupesinghe (1995) argued for a comprehensive approach to conflict transformation that involves multitrack interventions, hence the approach of multiple approaches was the one in congruent with what the MCZ had done; provision of humanitarian needs, training workshops on peace and justice, religious reconciliatory sermons, teachings and prayers, public counselling centres by engaging all level of societies be it victims or perpetrators. These approaches became mitigating factors of political violence and conflict. The approach emphasises building peace constituencies at the grassroots level and across the parties at the civil society level. Peace alliances should be established with many groups capable of bringing positive change such as business groups, the media or the military. Also required is conflict resolution training and interventions which include diplomatic interventions and peacekeeping. Rupesinghe (1995) contended that the holistic approach has the capacity to understand leading factors of conflict such as political, economic, social or psychological and therefore actors can come up with appropriate mitigating elements against conflict. These could be short-term or long-term strategies depending on the nature of the conflict. The third part could be peace-keeping forces or mediators that facilitate negotiations between the warring parties. Rupesinghe (1995) pointed out that in the process of working towards peace, as negotiations are set for specific time frame, the drive for conflict transformation depends on an identified leader who chooses all key actors at the local level and determines the new constitutional order is in place to transform attitudes, institutions and mechanisms. Fransson (2008) and Shulika (2013) viewed Rupesinghe’s model as a bottom-up friendly approach, which was certainly the strategy embraced by the MCZ together with other peacebuilding actors. Targeting local communities (using indigenous people and their knowledge within the setting) from below in conflict transformation strengthens grassroots’ resources and capacity to work towards enhancing constructive and positive outcomes of various peace projects. For Campbell (2011) and Lefranc (2011), a bottom-up peace-building approach is the liberal government’s sovereign authority that works through the freedoms of its citizens to achieve specific goals in their own context. The approach is top-down or authoritarian when the affected individuals no longer have the freedom of self-diagnosis of their challenges and strategies of dealing with violence. Rupesinghe’s model is significant for 45 this study in that it reinforces the participatory peace-building trend and discourages the trickle- down approach as discussed in Lederach’s model of peace-building (Lederach, 1997). Lederach’s model of peace-building, however, continues to “serve as one of the most comprehensive statements to date of conflict transformation for practitioners” (Miall, 2004: 6). It is comprehensive and inspired by the values of peace and justice, truth and mercy in the promotion of reconciliation, and thus was adopted as the main theoretical framework of this study. 3.3 Justice and reconciliation For the purposes of prevalence of sustainable peace in a post-conflict society, justice and reconciliation are of great importance and are thus discussed further here. Lambourne (2004) proposed that these two aspects of peace-building are meant to end violence, restore rule of law, disarm combatants and deal with perpetrators of war crimes and other human rights abuses. Kohen (2009) implied that justice is the initiative searching to put things right between people by repairing injuries as well as by promotion of healing. In this case the promotion of justice and reconciliation by MCZ through engaging and accommodating both perpetrators and victims in various ways; it established social services institutions schools, clinics, vocational training centre as well as United Theological College for training religious ministers and reaching out publicly with religious teachings centred on forgiveness. According to the International Peace Institute (IPI) (2013), justice is known by legal responses to address wrongdoings by offenders, transform injustices through transitional justice for establishing of the truth about the past, end impunity for human rights violations, achieve compensation for victims, build a culture of rule of law and instil a legacy for long-term reconciliation and political transformation. Parent (2010) and Fischer (2011) observed that in executing justice, retributive justice should be complemented with restorative justice reinforced by accountability, truth commissions, reparations, institutional reform, truth recovery, reconciliation and memorialisation in order to prevent recurrence of human rights abuses in the future, be it internationally, nationally or locally level. Accordingly, MCZ in promotion of justice, advocated for it sometimes through team working with CSOs in running workshops. MCZ also communicated message of peace and justice through pastoral letters and other literature production (Zimbabwe we want document) with other denominations condemning violence. The church went on further calling for TRC as what had been done in South Africa. 46 Though some of these activities faced some challenges to be implemented, MCZ tried its best towards justice and reconciliation in a politically fragmented community of Zimbabwe. With regard to justice processes, Villalba (2011) implied that the state has to investigate, prosecute and punish perpetrators, provide for dispensing adequate reparations to the victims as well as ensure that accountability for past committed injustices prevents such events in the future. According to IPI (2013), elements of justice vary, taking the form of criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, reparations programmes, local or community-based justice and institutional reforms. In criminal prosecutions, amnesty can be granted as retributive justice measure in a reconciliation process. Brouneus (2003) and Skaar (2013) observed that the conceptual justice process involves punishment for the perpetrator and compensation to the victim as decided by the criminal justice system in an attempt to limit renewal of violence. Meltzer (2004) and Skaar (2013) argued that this may become a new source of injustice since there are high chances of violating the rule of law; as a result, reconciliation and democratic processes can be destabilized. However, “most advocates of transitional justice have come to reject the idea of impunity and emphasise that amnesties, if applied at all, should be introduced as partial and conditional” (Fischer, 2011: 409). According to IPI (2013), the truth commission as a justice element embraces mechanisms that address the root causes of conflict and offer recommendations for dealing with impunity. Skaar (2013) regarded the truth commissions as important and vital for fostering dialogue across lines of political and social conflict; they decrease oppression and uphold protection of human rights. In terms of the inclusion of reparations in the justice process, the International Peace Institute (2013), Brown, Almeida and Dharapuram (2009), Mbugua (2011) and Ferstman (2012) all agreed that this should include restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition of violence. Perpetrators must “make good again” (Shriver, 2002: 164). Reparations are restorative justice which, according to Mbire (2011) and Bloomfield et al. (2003), ensure rebuilding of relationships in societies, enabling people to handle previous challenges and co-exist harmoniously; it needs to be “justice based on restitution……shown through actions that the perpetrators are sorry and understand the pain they have caused, and want to make amends” (Staub and Pearlman, 2002: 220). Brown et al. (2009) described restorative justice as holistic problem solving of the harm after the villain’s admission of the wrong committed. Staub and Pearlman (2002) claimed it signals to the community that offences are denounced and justice is upheld for purposes of healing, forgiveness and 47 reconciliation. According to Zehr (2001), in restorative justice, perpetrators understand their harm and become accountable in terms of truth, acknowledgement and empathy for reconciliation’s sake. Bradshaw (2002), Chapman (2002) and Bates (2012) claimed that rehabilitation involves long-term medical, psychological, surgeries or legal care as in the case of Sierra Leone as well as apologies and prosecutions. Bloomfield et al. (2003) noted that this approach was better for the reconciliation process than punitive measures. Such various forms of justice “satisfy psychological needs and provide the psychological benefits required by the different parties to advance reconciliation” (Staub, 2006: 884). Moolakkattu (2011a) argued that justice makes the offenders earn self-respect and reintegration within the community, creates healing relationships between enemies if effectively facilitated through channels of dialogue, personal healing and compensation. In view of reintegration within the community, MCZ targeted all levels of community through religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings at public; funerals, national days of prayer and infiltrating political gatherings through membership attendence and privately in church confines institutions. The message was people need to love each other despite of the previous hurting experiences. The IPI (2013) pointed out that local-based justice focuses on traditional structures and local initiatives; often international institutions exclude local actors. Bottom-up peace processes do not lose sight of justice, as in the case of Gacaca. The IPI (2013) noted that institutional reforms identify perpetrators and assess deficiencies in institutions that allowed human rights abuses. It is then important to re-establish the rule of law putting in place programmes on vetting working towards justice and reconciliation. In the process of executing justice, Skaar (2013) and Jorstad (2015) granted that reconciliation is a long term process which needs actors such as local groups and needs civil society, religious or cultural leaders to participate in designing and implementing issues of accountability and truth-telling, mercy, justice and peace, and facilitate changing of behaviours, attitudes and emotions from both micro and macro levels in a bottom-up approach. According to Fischer (2011), the thrust of reconciliation is building relationships and restoring confidence between individuals, groups and societies as they move from a divided past to a shared future, following the sharing of suffering and collective responsibility. It also addresses the imbalances in suffering; often both sides have suffered injustices at the hands of others, although not always in equal measure. Reconciliation can progress and become effective if truth is shared and 48 expression of regret or apology and acts of contrition are recognised and accepted by the other side. In Figure 3.2 that follows, Lederach (1997) comprehensively underscores the building of relationships to secure healing and harmony. Figure 3. 2: The place called reconciliation (Lederach, 1997: 30) Massey (2009) and Skaar (2013) claimed reconciliation can restore trust, reinstate integrity, foster security within individuals, family, community and the larger interpersonal and social system. Spence (2001) argued that peace initiatives should focus on root causes of conflict rather than effects so that there is interaction between survivors and meeting of humanitarian needs. MCZ in its understanding of critical human needs among the political victims, it opened church building doors to be hostages for homeless victims. Food, water, clothing, sanitary wear, medication, money, learning material for school children were at the disposal for the needy. Mbugua (2011) acknowledged that truth-telling is key for reconciliation: “For reconciliation to occur an exchange of truths is required. Involved parties must be given a chance to present their truth and be heard” (Mbire, 2011: 11). Oberscall (2007) as well as World Council of Churhes (2006) perceived truth-telling as an enabler to rich meeting points for wronged parties getting on with each other, leads directly to trust, empathy and even forgiveness after perpetrator confessed and request pardon, in anticipating that victim accepts. Jorstad (2015) viewed the South African case of the TRC as a role model towards reconciliation. In South 49 Africa a Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act was established in 1995. It mandated the TRC to document causes, nature and extent of gross violation of human rights for reaching out to victims, granting of conditional amnesty and restoring the human and civil dignity of victims by engaging them in the process of truth-telling and by granting them reparation. It also gave recommendations for prevention of future violation of human rights. Gibson (2002) has also noted how important the TRC has been to the South African community. Accordingly, “reconciliation needs both the orchestration of top-down and bottom-up processes… and although the process may begin either with the leaders or at grassroots, to be effective it must always proceed in both dimensions simultaneously” (Fischer, 2011: 415). Kriesberg (2004) and Kriesberg (2007) observed the critical areas in which reconciliation plays a pivotal role in as far as conflict transformation and peace-building are concerned after a society has been through political conflict and violence. These are identified as shared truth through official investigations, judicial proceedings and reporting in order to acknowledge abuses. Justice has to be executed for those who suffered oppression or atrocities as a matter of redressing injustices in the form of restitution or compensation, but also as punishment towards perpetrators. The rights of citizens need to be recognised while security for personal or collective well-being is built on trust. Weaver, Flannelly and Preston (2003) and Mbugua (2011) agreed that when social introspection, mourning and healing take place, this enables victims to forgive especially if a remorseful perpetrator accepts accountability, and this leads to reconciliation. Mendeloff (2004) agreed that truth-telling brings positive results, assures justice, promotes social and psychological healing, fosters reconciliation and deters future crimes in an environment wracked by violence. In the view of Lambourne (2004) and Mbugua (2011), there is a need to overcome enmities that caused injuries and lose through acknowledgement to make forgiveness and reconciliation possible as was in the case of Darfur, Sudan and Cote d’Ivoire. Generally, when villains admit to inflicting hurt on victims, ask for pardon from the victims this can lead to symbolic reparations and creating a common ground for the two parties to share in the future. Lederach (2002) pointed out that parties who support the process of reconciliation should build transparency and trust. The discourse of justice and reconciliation is key to this research on reconciliation and healing within the context of post conflict and violence in Zimbabwe as it 50 reveals tenets that can make peace-building effective. In this regard, Fischer (2011) reemphasised that reconciliation needs to be based on justice in terms of accountability, compensation, truth, acknowledgement and recognition. According to Machakanja (2010), the justice system contributes to the healing process for victims, perpetrators and witnesses. Ultimately, peace-building depends on justice and reconciliation processes. 3.4 Healing According to Bloomfield et al (2003: 80), there is no single healing process; many approaches can facilitate transformation of the social world that causes distress for an individual. However, MCZ employed multiple activities to bring about healing among the victims and perpetrators as well. Counselling programmes were done through home, hospital/clinic and prisons visits to the need. At times counselling preaching sermons were done at intervals. Public counselling centres were tried to be established but could not take off because of various reasons. Group counselling was effected during bible study fellowships in homes or at church. One on one counselling was the most common trend to effect therapy for the traumatised victims of violence as well as to some of the perpetrators. Besides counselling the MCZ allowed the victims of violence to access treatment from its clinics for free since other peace-building actors were supplying medication in these clinics freely. Machinga (2012) viewed that survivors of political violence needed to heal or recover from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression or grief which are the worst enemies of every aspect of human functioning from biological to relational aspects and the spirituality of a person. With the same view, Brouneus (2003) confirmed that supporting institutions for reconciliation must address the aftermath of war that involves atrocity, abuse, and great loss leading to psychological disorders. To Machinga (2012) spirituality in the African perspective consists of their attitudes, beliefs and practices that help them as they strive to reach out toward supernatural realities (God, the spirits, and invisible forces of universe). With regards to spirituality, Isakson (2008) highlighted that spiritual activities help participants to experience healing from trauma as they get into praying to get strength after their torture experienceWith PTSD and related conditions such as depression, grief and anxiety which are psychological disorders as Isakson (2008) alluded to, victims can recover from various intervention like advice or consolation as a helpful coping mechanism given by family members, friends, the society, elders or church groups. The religious and spiritual beliefs often influence the source 51 of solutions to heal the trauma, depression, anxiety and grief through patterns like spiritual connections, teaching and counselling support that can lead to forgiveness. Isakson (2008) emphasised that another perspective that reinforces recovery of victims from psychological disorders caused by political violence is when civil and restorative justice are served for the crimes committed. As restorative justice has the components of an apology of acknowledging of the offences, taking responsibility of fault and pledge that the act will not be committed again. Rogobete (2011) and Isakson (2008) substantiated that the effecting of reparations is key to the healing of psychological disorders. According to Knight (2011), grief is a transformational, multidimensional and unique experience conceptualised as a normal and natural response to loss which negatively impacted on a victim’s body, thoughts and emotional states. For grief to be addressed, Machakanja (2010) points out that specific services are required over particular and extensive effects of trauma and grief that needs some secured legislative backing through establishing up of the national healing and reconciliation commission. As grief and bereavement result from political violence, a holistic approach for healing or recovery needs to be effected. D’souza (2004) noted that victims need a chance for expressing grief and prayers that would dispel psychic haunting. Machakanja (2010) suggested that grief and trauma experiences can be addressed through counselling services to assist victims deal with such challenges. Other approaches for victims to recover from trauma and grief involve narrative therapy as the participants are given space to tell their stories about the violence and its consequences on themselves and their family and relative members. According to Botcharova (2002), the opportunity for acknowledgement and expressing feelings of sadness and grief necessitate freeing from it. Also the opportunity for holding seminars is vital for community building by helping survivors facing issues of grief and loss, heal grievances by sharing the contributions of religious traditions to the task of peace making through confession and forgiveness in reconciliation. Botcharova (2002) said that seminars initiate open space for dialogue over handling conflict, practice conflict-resolution skills, ecumenical peace centres, interfaith counselling teams, mediation, training teams, community reconstruction, human rights advocacy and refugee settlement. Heart and DeBruyn (1998) expressed that recovery from grief by victims can be through attending to their own spiritual development. This has been evidenced when tribes have utilized traditional healing ceremonies having a natural therapeutic and cathartic effect. Ceremonies can be done by religious organizations for current deaths and historical traumas; 52 loss of land, home or relative. In this regard healthy spirituality is highly needed as it embraces the range of one’s feelings, grief, shame and pain to joy, pride and resolve to maintain balance in order to regain personal wellness and the power of community in self-determination. From the MCZ’s perspective in handling grieved people, during and after Gukurahundi and deaths in 2008 caused by political mayhem, though it was not easy the MCZ carried out memorial and reburial services. These activities were also bringing therapy to the victims since the rituals were characterised with signing and preaching on acceptance of what happened, forgiveness and hope were at the centre. Gangsei, Morgan, Orieny, Willhoite and Ziemer (2013) and Schilling and Nzang (2012) observed depression as leading disorder that can incapacitate leaving survivors unable to care for themselves or families they care for. The victim can show psychological symptoms like depression due to negative feelings which express frustration. Ohlschlager (2011) posits one of the intervention for victim of violence to recover from depression is counselling for depression by involving repairing broken or impaired relationships to prevent isolation with feelings of being rejected by the society. The counselling process assist the cognitive restructuring-reducing and renouncing worthless or hopeless thinking and replacing it with worthwhile and helpful self-talk. From the views of Emmons and Farhadian (2009), religious intervention through ability to forgive leads to reductions in anxiety and depression and grief for better health outcomes. In view of anxiety disorders, Jennings (2011) has argued that they are understood as a state of excessive worry or apprehension most of the days which is the interfering with functioning of mental processes due to political violence experiences. Some of these mental symptoms include fear of dying or going crazy, feeling as if things are not real, confusion, disassociation, intrusive thoughts and images, difficult to sleep, concentration problems, feeling wound up, irritability or apprehension. Wessells (2008) commented on the Rwandan case where community trauma healing workshops that combine remembering and coming to terms with difficulty experience with education and collective reflection on causes of genocide became an intervention of recovering from anxiety. The approach reduced the level of traumatic stress reactions and improvements in social cohesion and intergroup relations. Mehraby (2002) observed victim’s healing from anxiety needs counselling in which one recovers from psychological as well as spiritual states. The counselling process involves advice and direction giving emotional and financial support and other material assistance as to build client’s trust and confidence resulting 53 to the reduction of fear and anxiety. Culturally, it is important for any therapeutic intervention to support counselees in their religious and spiritual beliefs. Bible meditation and regular prayers provides victims with sense of peace and harmony. In as far as healing is concerned Bloomfield et al. (2003) suggested that key principles of healing are: understanding the context which calls for peace builders reflecting on cultural and social context and addressing the individual holistically. Use of local resources like localised coping mechanisms and linking healing with broader reconstruction programmes, for example, truth-telling, acknowledgement and justice. Lederach (2002) saw healing as the product of reconciliation; truth, justice, peace and mercy are important components for psychosocial programmes for victims. Hence, “as healing progresses, reconciliation becomes more possible” (Staub and Pearlman, 2002: 206); ultimately healing must be experienced by the victims and perpetrators for effective reconciliation. In the view of Ratti, Larom and Williams (2008), healing can take place through the processes of truth-telling, repentance and restorative justice. Helmick and Petersen (2002) described other matters inked to healing as empowerment, testimony and group ceremony, understanding, exposing, co-operative work, acknowledgment and political responsibility. Bloomfield et al. (2003) maintained that the following various healing programmes and strategies can be undertaken concurrently in peace-building processes. As MCZ was focusing on reconciliation and healing, it came up with community empowerment projects for both victims and perpetrators as it reached out at grassroots level. These projects were meant to resuscitate the relationships that collapsed and when enemies meet for one common goal unity comes and tolerate each other. The projects were as such, rearing goats, beef and gardening. As people interact, telling the truth, asking pardon and accepting each other hurt memories are healed. In the case of Rwanda, according to de Silva and Samarasinghe (1993), a variety of programmes have been initiated including psychosocial interventions, reconciliation or social healing workshops, conflict management training, positive media programming, peace committees and curriculum reform. According to Bloomfield et al. (2003), this approach is meant to address the psychological and general health needs of the victims by promoting and rebuilding the social and cultural context. Bloomfield et al. (2003) and Staub and Pearlman (2002) added that methodologies could include arts and story-telling, the development and promotion of self-help groups, assisting with the completion of grieving and reburial rituals, 54 an emphasis on re-training, joint projects from agriculture to business enterprise, reconstruction of houses and attending to children’s needs. Also, attention is needed to foster reintegration and reunion of individuals dislocated from communities and families, counselling and group support. Staub and Pearlman (2002) described social healing workshops as programmes with deep engagement, interpersonal contact between enemies which may bring about healing through forgiveness after being initiated by peace-building actors. These can be run by the government and CSOs inclusive of the churches, as was the case in Rwanda. Significantly, “true forgiveness requires not only an apology, but perhaps more important, it requires empathy” (Kalayjian and Paloutian, 2009: 4). Worthington (2002) added that empathy initiates forgiveness and enemies need to be assisted by interventionists. Van der Merwe and Vienings (2001) claimed that symbolic forms of healing such as acts, objects and rituals add value to the healing process by minimising the trauma of victims. Hurtful memories of the bereaved can be soothed by symbols such as monuments, museums and plaques, peace parks and graveyards. Mbire (2011) described memorialisation as public memorials physically representing activities in remembrance of past incidents which should be perceived as an acknowledgement of unseen experiences by the public. “Symbolic reparations also aid the restorative process. Museums, monuments, memorials, public literary and artworks, days of commemoration, new historical narratives, and revised history books can all play a role in re-humanisation and national healing” (Green, 2009: 266). Van der Merwe and Vienings (2001) insisted that some victims of violence are healed from their memories through official naming of new places, streets or buildings after the deceased. Not only memorialisation, but also apologies, reparations and compensation have a significant impact by restoring survivors’ dignity leading to healing of wounds of the past. Specific rituals and ceremonies have symbolic healing value, for example, forensic exhumations in Matabeleland- Zimbabwe of 1980s atrocities. Culturally, the reburial process assumes bringing the spirits of the dead back to the families; when it happens victims feel relieved, happier and healed. According to Kuriansky (2007: 321), “memorials and rituals are a common way of healing post-disaster”. Brouneus (2003) submitted that intervention programmes can deal with post- traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) that has resulted from all forms of violence. This study seeks to explore how the MCZ handles psychosocial programmes. In the process of counselling, painful memories are relived; patients can be prepared to forgive though often cannot forget what was done to them. Moolakkattu (2011b) observed healing, forgiveness and reconciliation 55 taking place simultaneously; they cannot be separated in peace-building initiatives. Accordingly, advocacy for peace and justice by MCZ through provision of humanitarian needs, teaching and preaching about forgiveness and prayers for unity were key activities that would foster healing and reconciliation. In the view of Nasongo, Achoka and Wamocha (2009), forgiveness is the process of freeing the self from thoughts and feelings that bind one to the offence committed against the self and which leave lasting feelings of anger, bitterness and even vengeance. Moolakkattu (2011) observed forgiveness as important in conflict transformation since it is regarded as a condition of the heart, positively impacts towards non-violence by victims to overcome guilt and breaks the cycle of violence, hate and despair, as in the case of Bosnia’s Muslims and Serbs. According to Doorn (2011), forgiveness is the sine qua non (precondition) for reconciliation as in the TRC of South Africa where perpetrators were granted amnesty after uncovering their wrongs. According to Kohen (2009) and Lederach (1999), forgiveness/amnesty contributes to restorative justice for both victims and perpetrators which promotes healing, reconciliation and re-establishment of relationships. Barker (2011) felt the damage can be completely healed and restored only by forgiveness and reconciliation since the duo cannot be separated. Massey and Abu-Baker (2009), Green (2009 and Brouneus (2003) perceived that forgiveness and reconciliation are religiously and socio-politically motivated; the former is taught and encouraged to be lived and practised by the religious community so individuals can co-exist peacefully with enemies despite having been wronged. In political perspectives, forgiveness is regarded as amnesty in which the state restores offenders to innocence; forgetting after negotiation so as to start a new beginning. Doorn (2011) stated that if offenders feel forgiven, they are more likely to acknowledge their wrongdoings, offer meaningful apologies, expressions of regret or some form of compensation to victims. At the same time, the victim is empowered and freed from previous bonds, becoming emotionally and psychologically healed. According to Hartwell (1999), forgiveness does not overlook justice or reduce justice to revenge, but encourages humanity towards enemies’ dehumanising acts; it is justice that restores a political community to normalcy. There is no future without forgiveness as far as healing is concerned, however Nasango et al (2009) argued that pretentious forgiveness without action would not lead to true reconciliation and healing, hence it is meaningful when one forgives what is unforgivable just like the case of Jews when have to forgive the Nazis for gravy atrocities committed against them in 1990’s. Nasango et al (2009) insisted that the act of 56 forgiveness reduces stress, hostility, depression, chronic pain among survivors of political violence which is also a headlining process. Staub, Pearman, Gubin and Hagengimana (2005) pointed out that forgiveness was also instrumental for the healing process after the ethnic conflict in Rwanda between Tutsis and Hutus and led to good reconciliation results. Healing often requires counselling which can be described as “the ethical activities a counsellor undertakes in an effort to help the client engage in those types of behaviour that will lead to a resolution of the client’s problems” (Sommers-Flananga and Sommers-Flananga, 2004: 7). Weaver et al. (2003) proposed that counselling is helpful following traumatic events experienced by victims who are supposed to recover from unforgettable experiences or who suffer from psychological trauma such as natural disasters, criminal violence, political violence or catastrophic accidents. Counselling is regarded as one of “the practical needs of reconciliation for those who have suffered hurt and harm” (Ellis, 2002: 407). Accordingly, counselling is intended for “communicating and resolving conflict based on restoring love and unity” (Worthington, 2002: 186). With regard to the role of counselling in peace-building, counsellors can support communication to reach a level of reconciliation and healing between two camps. Counsellors, however, including those from religious groups, need skills and a professional approach in assisting clients/victims in the aftermath of psychological trauma such as PTSD (Weaver et al., 2003; Machinga, 2012; Kadenge, 2012; NANGO, 2012). Weaver et al. (2003) argued that PSTD can benefit from the attention of clergy and religious community intervention. The church can play an important role in peace-building in this way. According to Weaver et al. (2003) and Clinton and Hawkins (2011), pastoral counselling can be one-on-one or group counselling. The social support of community and nurturing religion provides a healing means of addressing traumatic experiences. Faith can assist with emotional recovery as victims are helped to accept loss. Having examined the prolonged and complex political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe from the discourse in Chapter Two, this chapter has focused on conflict transformation and peace- building. The latter was adopted in Lederach’s model which can be used to reflect on and guide how the church participates. Lederach’s model of peace-building has activities and approaches which encourage the participation of the church. The bottom-up participatory approach is relevant as it can be used at all levels of society activities such as in problem-solving workshops, conflict resolution training and humanitarian programmes. The theoretical 57 framework also looked at the aspect of justice and reconciliation and how the church and civil society have advocated for social justice in various approaches for the purposes of building bridges between victims and offenders. Healing is essential for peace-building as political crises leave victims traumatised. The church has and can contribute to processes of healing, forgiveness and counselling. 3.5 Summary This chapter analysed theories of conflict transformation from different school of thoughts and adopted one of Lederach’s peace-building models. The issues of justice and reconciliation, as well as healing, were discussed as well as their relevance to this study. This chapter has therefore identified a relevant theoretical framework and it has suggested strategies and approaches for reconciliation and healing. The next chapter focuses on the research method. 58 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODS 4.1 Introduction This study investigates the role of MCZ in reconciliation and healing within the context of political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe by gathering primary data through traditional methods. Evidence will be presented and discussed in Chapters Five and Six. Before this, Chapter Four discusses research methods, the research design, participants who contributed to the study, research instruments as well as procedures. The research design of Kothari (2005) became the conceptual structure for collection, measurement and analysis of data. The design adopted from Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009) was the sequential mixed method design was. As observed by Hesse-Biber (2010) and Hesse-Biber, Rodriguez and Frost (2015), the sequential mixed method design is appropriate a research structure across chronological phases of qualitative and quantitative approaches. The work of Ivankova, Creswell and Stick (2006) has helped to refine qualitative and explain quantitative statistical results leading to an in-depth exploration of respondents’ views. 4.2 Study setting The setting of the study is presented in the map of Zimbabwe that follows in Figure 4.1 below. Figure 4.1: Map of Zimbabwe: District Map for Methodist Church in Zimbabwe Modified from information centre-maps http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/africa/zw.htm (2017) 59 According to Creswell (2014), the setting is where the study is undertaken by the researcher. Chironda (2017) explained setting as the location for carrying out research; it may be natural, partially controlled or highly controlled, but in this case was natural only. With regard to this study, the setting is Zimbabwe within the SADC region of the African continent. The special focus was the 8 districts of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe which is an autonomously founded in 16th October 1977 from British Methodist as viewed by Muwanzi (2007). The districts are as following Bulawayo, Gweru, Harare East, Harare West, Hwange, Kadoma, Masvingo and Marondera as shown in Figure 4.1 above. In the view of Creswell (2014), the study setting needs to be convenient for qualitative research if it involves talking directly to participants, observing and listening. This research was conducted without manipulating or changing the environment when the interviews were conducted for the study as highlighted by Grove and Fisk (1992). 4.3 Study population According to Somekh, Stronach, Lewin, Nolan and Stake (2005), the population is the total number of possible units or elements that are included in the study. In this case, the study population is from the eight districts of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ). According to MCZ (2014), minutes of the 37th conference, the population of the study is confirmed to be 114 621 as established in the records within the organisation’s department of statistics. The organisation’s reports are endorsed every year at an annual conference. MCZ members are registered according to districts and include all age groups, gender as well as status. 4.4 Sampling of participants According to Polit and Hungler (1999), Onwuegbuzie and Collins (2007) and Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009), the sample size is representative of the entire population and in this study, the sample was 240. As stated by Creswell (2014), quantitative data collection requires a large sample number (N) in order to conduct meaningful statistical tests while qualitative studies require a smaller sample (n).The sample size for this study was determined by the procedure of proportionate stratified sampling. Hence, the researcher located members of MCZ who are the ministers of religion and the laypeople as respondents from the eight districts of MCZ across Zimbabwe. This sample was a true representative of the population and guarantees a balanced sample of the respondents according to race, ethnicity, language, gender, age, class status and level of education as well as the political divide. The targeted sample size was 240 for both questionnaires (quantitative sample size was 224) and interview schedules (qualitative 60 sample size was 16). The participants for this research study included those who responded through questionnaires and in interview as shows in Tables 4.1 and 4.2 below. Table 4.1 Questionnaire participants Female Male Lay Minister Lay Minister Untrained 62 0 9 0 Trained 22 15 16 87 The intended questionnaire participants were 224, but only 211 responded as indicated in Table 4.1 above, from the age group of 20 years and above. The research had categories of respondents such as gender, status and training. Table 4.2: Interview participants Female Male Lay Minister Lay Minister 3 2 5 6 Sixteen participants were involved in interviews. Among them there were five females composed of three lay persons while two were minister of religion. Among 11 of the male counterparts, five were lay people while six were ministers of religion. However, each district had two participants interviewed. In terms of gender, there were five females and 11 males; by status there were eight ministers and eight lay persons. The study engaged in a stratified purposive sampling approach as observed by Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009) and Babbie (1983). This allowed the researcher to initially identify the subgroups of the population such as ministers and lay people, trained and untrained as well as females and males of interest, before choosing the units from each sub-group in a purposive manner. Above that, the technique integrated probability sampling (stratified random sampling) for quantitative research and non-probability sampling (purposive sampling) for qualitative research as exposed by Kumar (2011). Teddlie and Yu (2007), Hesse-Biber (2010) and Marczyk, DeMatteo and Festinger (2005) claimed that stratified random sampling divides a desired population into groups like social class, then randomly choses units within each group 61 until reaching the intended sample size that significantly differs in their responses. As expressed by Teddlie and Yu (2007), nonprobability sampling in this study allowed the identification of the participants who had experienced the phenomenon under study in this research. The researcher had a list of 16 interviewees through self-identification as well as by referral. Of the six approached for interviews, three were former (Presiding Bishop, General Secretary and Lay-President) and three current (Presiding Bishop, General Secretary and Lay-President) leaders of the MCZ. The remaining ten interviewees where identified through referral; among them were five female and 11 males. Gender balance was not attained as females tended to decline, saying they did not have time. It can be considered a sensitive subject and some appeared to simply keep quiet. Many factors led to not retaining all 224 questionnaires. Some recipients would say,’ sorry we work for the government and we are not comfortable to respond’, some would promise that they would send back information; if they didn’t, the researcher ended up identifying other respondents, and due to the distant geographical setting, time and resources, the targeted sample was difficult to reach.. 4.5 Research instruments This study adopted questionnaires and interview schedules as tools for gathering primary data. As per Gray (2004), Godfrey (2016) and Abawi (2013), these were chosen as they complement each other leading to balanced results when tested for validity and reliability. 4.5.1 Questionnaire The questionnaire, according to Parahoo (2006), Tashakkori and Teddlie (1998) and Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009), can be regarded as a tool of statistical data collection and gathers data from participants through written replies to a written set of questions. Jones and Rattary (2010) claimed the questionnaire is a quick, convenient and inexpensive way of gathering standardised data, while Gray (2004) agreed with other scholars that questionnaires are low-cost in terms of both time and money. They can be sent to many respondents with little cost, inflow of data are quick, they can be completed when convenient for the participant, there is a lack of interviewer bias, data analysis of closed questions is relatively simple and questions can be coded quickly. 62 Generally, as pointed out by Abawi (2013) and Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009), as questionnaires can never be clear to every respondent and it is difficult for the researcher to clarify, results can be compromised. It can be tiresome and expensive to follow-up on non- responding participants. Notably, the study results can be affected by attrition (participants stop responding) leading to a lack of external validity of the findings. However, such challenges were managed as deliberated in the discussion of processes below. Overall, there appear to be more advantages than disadvantages to using questionnaires, especially when interviews are used as a complementary approach. Initially, 224 questionnaires were distributed to the eight MCZ districts, with each district receiving 24 balanced according to gender, status and training. Overall, the retention figure was 211 (94%). The questionnaire had six sections. The first section introduced the study and emphasised anonymity and confidentiality for the participants. This was followed by Section A which requested the personal information of participants such as age, gender, marital status, church and level of education. Section B covered the research’s first objective (participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013) and contained 11 questions. The five questions in Section C addressed the need for reconciliation and healing; the two questions in section D considered civil society organisations that worked together with the MCZ in peace-building; while nine questions in Section E focused on multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing. Participants were asked to rate their answers according to a five-point Likert-type scale coded as follows: 1= strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree and 5=strongly agree. The last part of the questionnaire was an open question for respondents to give their own views and comments. All questions were in English. Thus the questionnaire can be considered to be both structured and semi-structured (Godfrey, 2016; Gray, 2004), with space for self-opinions. 4.5.2 Interview schedule This consisted of two pages. The first page was an informed consent form with researcher’s details and an overview of the research. Anonymity and confidentiality were assured. The time stipulated was 45 minutes. The second page contained questions linked to the study’s objectives as indicated in the structure of the questionnaire and themes for the production of data. Sub-themes included understanding of reconciliation, level of community targeted, 63 engagement of both political parties, structural development, provision of humanitarian needs, training workshops, counselling, peace prayer rallies, other approaches (which had emerged in discussions and the literature), management of challenges, legacy by MCZ in its role and justification for MCZ’s involvement. This was a semi-structured interview as described by Gray (2004). 4.5.3 Procedure The researcher made an application for gatekeepers’ permission (see Appendix 2). According to Gray (2004), gatekeepers can prevent access to the research setting and are represented in by managers, directors, head teachers or chief administrators representing the organisation. In this study, the gatekeeper was chief administrator of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe. The MCZ, according to Banana (1991) and Madibha (2010) refers to a religious, faith based organization or denominational church that was established in 1891 in the then Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, and became autonomous during the British Conference in 1977. It was raised to spread scriptural holiness through evangelical faith to address injustices in a given society. The chief administrator of MCZ granted permission for this study (see Appendix 3) and ethical clearance from UKZN was also granted (Appendix 4, Ref. No HSS/1821/015D). The field work could then commence in Zimbabwe. With regard to the views of Rugg and Petre (2007), due care was considered during data collection through questionnaires such as requesting permission to carry out the research in MCZ. The researcher can be regarded as an insider as an ordained practising minister in MCZ, but also as an outsider, studying in a South African academic institution, the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN). As suggested by Adam (2012) and Kerstertter (2012), being an insider means easy access to information from the organisation under study. The researcher had easy access to church archives, lay-people and the ministers, inclusive of leaders of MCZ, during distribution of questionnaires and carrying out of interviews. 4.5.3.1 Questionnaire distribution process When permission had been granted for the research, the questionnaire (see Appendix 7) was distributed as scheduled district meetings/fellowships in March and April in 2016, which involved both ministers and lay persons. Sunday service days were also an opportunity. The researcher was able to personally deliver questionnaires and advise participants as to how to answer. The purpose of the study was explained, who the information was for and how it was 64 going to be handled (including confidentiality). Questions from some of participants were attended to and those who wanted to express themselves in their first language in the ‘comments’ section were encouraged to do so. The researcher speaks Shona and a translator was used to assist with Ndebele. Participants’ names did not need to be written onto questionnaires and it was agreed that questionnaires would be completed before people left for home and handed in. In reality, this did not happen. Some promised to send them back later as they wanted more time. Fifteen participants returned the research surveys un-completed giving various reasons. Some said that they were civil servants and government employees from a special unit, and did not feel able to respond to such sensitive issues concerning the government and the church. Some did not understand the questionnaire despite the researcher’s explanations. Some of the ministers were not interested in research. Extra questionnaires had been printed and were available. Follow- ups for non-immediate returns were made through phone calls and some arranged to meet at church places or venue of their convenience. When the required level of response was not met the researcher, visited churches on Sunday services to find participants until over 80% success rate was reached. In Section A, data were written into the blank space provided; for Sections B and C, participants simply ticked the correct answer to every item. General comments were also entered onto the free space at the bottom of the questionnaire. Quantitative data analysis was carried out. 4.5.3.2 Interview process Personal interviews were carried out using a semi-structured interview approach throughout the eight districts of MCZ. As proposed by Rugg and Petre (2007), important interviewing skills include preparations, preliminaries, building rapport and maintaining control. With this in mind, the researcher identified respondents, each signed a consent form and after seven days, each of the participants was reminded of the agreed date, time and venue. Interviews were one- on-one at a specified time and venue. The researcher carried an audio tape recorder, pens, writing pads and the interview question schedule. The interview schedule enabled the researcher to be consistent in asking questions and made the data easy to analyse. Before the process, preliminary issues that were addressed, according to Rugg and Petre (2007), included introductions to each other and the research. The purpose of the study was clearly stated, who 65 the information was for, how it was going to be handled and matters of anonymity and confidentiality were guaranteed. The written information and recordings would be kept safely and later destroyed. All interviews were held in an appropriate and secure environment and they were conducted objectively and professionally. Each would take around 45 minutes and a further one to two hours were spent sorting out field notes. Respondents were free to use the language with which they felt the most comfortable. The majority used English through while a few used a mixture of Ndebele and English as well as Shona and English. Interview sessions were controlled by avoiding deviations from core subject matter through unambiguous questions and also by listening to the responses. The researcher used the interview schedule, or set of written questions, to guide each participant to respond to the best of his or her knowledge. The researcher in this study elicited oral responses from the participants to get information that covers issues from the research questions. Where the respondent needed clarity, it was given and when the researcher needed clarity that was given. The researcher documented by note-taking and by tape-recording the interviewees. This category of interview accorded room for probing views and opinions where it was desirable for respondents to expand on their answers. That gesture is said to be favourable to the illiterate and yields in-depth knowledge needed to complement quantitative results as proposed by Tashakkori and Teddlie (1998) and Gray (2004), as respondents are free to share their views, Creswell (2014). After the collection of the qualitative data, it was translated (where needed) and transcribed by the Ndebele translator and the researcher began decoding and rearranging thematically according to research questions and objectives. Hence, qualitative results were textually interpreted through content and thematic analysis approaches. Common drawbacks of semi-structured interview were encountered such as them being time consuming, expensive if they were cancelled and had to be rescheduled. However, although sample size for the interviews was smaller than for the questionnaires, they added valuable in- depth data. As described by Tashakkori and Teddlie (1998), the interviewer can affect responses of the interviewees through gestures, mannerisms, verbal feedback and subtle signs of agreements with responses. The researcher remained aware of this and tried to minimise 66 their effect. There were no technical faults experienced with the recording devices although fatigue due to long distance travel was experienced. Researcher bias (having preconceived ideas) was managed by what Gray (2004) suggested – laying aside pre-existing understandings and enabling new meanings to emerge. The phenomena were left to ‘speak for themselves’ and empathy was adopted to avoid bias and encourage real understanding of the results. As an insider known by some of the participants, some viewed the researcher as a friend, colleague, pastor or counsellor. As noted by Adam (2012) and Greene (2014), probabilities of bias can be high in this case and ‘overfamiliarity’ can lead to comments such as ‘you have seen…’ and ‘you know it’ or ‘we talked about it before’. This was managed by keeping the participants focused. Balancing insider and outsider perspectives was done through noticing, collecting and thinking throughout the data collection period, transcribing interviews, recording similarities and differences before analysis as suggested by Adam (2012). As proposed by Greene (2014), trustworthiness of research was achieved through credibility (triangulation, peer debriefing, negative case analysis, referential adequacy and member checking), transferability, dependability and conformability; these assist the researcher to avoid biases and increase trustworthiness of the data gathered. A balanced position was taken to avoid possible biases. Interviews have smaller samples because qualitative data collection is time consuming, especially in terms of transcription. It was relatively difficult to identify an Ndebele interpreter. Although only few in number, interviews resulted in rich and detailed research data. The data were captured on a tape recorder which was the chief tool for getting data and key words and occasional comments were written down. The audio recorded data which were later transcribed into text and analysed. Each interviewee was given an opportunity to pose questions or add comments at the end of each interview. 4.6 Summary This chapter on research methods had gone through various stages has described the sequential mixed methods design which combined quantitative and qualitative approaches for this study. The chapter reviewed the following: the participants, population, sampling, research instruments, procedure and processes of data collection, challenges, way forward and managing the drawbacks. The next chapter, Chapter Five, focuses on presentation of research results for both quantitative and qualitative data respectively. 67 CHAPTER FIVE: DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION 5.1 Introduction The study involved the collection of two sets of data. Quantitative data were collected by means of a questionnaire, while the qualitative data were produced through interviews designed to complement the data from questionnaires. The presentation and interpretation of research findings for quantitative data were achieved through descriptive and inferential statistics approaches using tables and graphs with a special focus on a Likert-type scale. After being satisfied with the number of questionnaires, data were captured on a spreadsheet and each questionnaire item was individually analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for gender (male vs female), status (minister vs lay person) and training (trained vs untrained). This was presented graphically as this ordinary data needed a non- parametric analysis. The test for two independent sample of variables was the Mann-Whitney U-test which was used to compare male versus female, minister versus lay person and trained versus untrained. However, every item on the questionnaire was rated on a five-point Likert- type rating scale coded as follows; 1= strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree and 5=strongly agree. It was therefore decided to treat the questionnaire data as continuous for the descriptive, so all of the figures presented were means. The quantitative analysis is presented first followed by the qualitative analysis. Qualitative results have been textually interpreted through content and thematic analysis approaches and identified themes are presented. This was guided by sequential mixed methods design as discussed in Chapter Four. 5.2 Questionnaire analysis – Scoring and definition of variables Every item on the questionnaire was rated on a five-point Likert-type rating scale coded as follows: 1 = Strongly disagree 2 = Disagree 3 = Neutral 4 = Agree 5 = Strongly agree 68 This yielded ordinal data and therefore would need a non-parametric analysis which is generally the appropriate approach for such data and also in cases when a normal distribution may not be assumed (Allen and Seaman, 2007; Boone and Boone, 2012; Sullivan and Artino, 2013). The appropriate test for two independent samples is the Mann-Whitney U-test, to compare gender (male vs female), status (minister versus lay person), and training as a counsellor (trained versus untrained). This was carried out on every questionnaire item individually using SPSS version 24 (IBM Corp, 2016). The quantitative analysis for the mean scores is therefore based on the significant differences within each category of gender, status, and training. Theoretically, a descriptive analysis should then use the median as the appropriate measure of central tendency. However, on a five-point scale, unless there is a whole category of response difference between two groups, a median does not show this difference. According to Gray (1987) and Greasely (2008) there have been cogent arguments for treating Likert and Likert- type data as continuous for the purpose of inferential statistical analysis, especially where non- parametric equivalents to the parametric tests do not exist Therefore, it was decided to treat the questionnaire data as continuous for the descriptive, so all the figures presented are means. The study dealt with 211 responses instead of 220 as nine questionnaires were not returned. Therefore, the wave analysis (Creswell, 2014: 209) was adopted to deal with what was at hand rather than the assumed sample size. The quantitative analysis for the mean scores is based on the significant differences within each category of gender (female and male), status (ministers and lay-people) as well as training (trained and untrained). As Teddlie and Takkashori (2009) noted, descriptive methods are not enough as they cannot meet research purposes and estimation for hypothesis testing hence the inferential statistical method was engaged. Inferential statistics (Vanderstoep and Johnston, 2009) were used to draw conclusions about significant difference between variables. Bartlett (2014) has described using non-parametric tests through the Mann-Whitney-Wilcoxon test. Greasley (2008) and Frost (2015) have described two-tailed tests where the probability value is 0.05 (p=0.05) for significance difference between two groups’ mean scores to determine the degree of relationship between variables. In this case, the groups are gender (female versus male, status (lay people versus ministers) and training (trained versus untrained). At this stage, the researcher analysed quantitative data with statistical computing packages (Vanderstoep and Johnston, 2009), specifically, the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) for data variables which 69 captured responses on an Excel spreadsheet for descriptive analysis. SPSS was also used to produce tables, graphs, charts and for statistical analysis. 5.2.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013 This section presents the descriptive and inferential statistics on the perceived participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013. The overall descriptive statistics shall be presented, followed by the appropriate inferential statistics to tests to determine whether the demographic factors did influence the outcome. Table 5.1: Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013 Gender Status Training The church participated in the T>U 3.7 3.9 p>0.05 3.9 3.7 p>0.05 4.0 3.5 peace-building process p=0.031 It participated as a conscience of T>U the nation to fulfil its 3.7 3.8 p>0.05 3.7 3.7 p>0.05 3.8 3.6 p=0.049 transformative role I was involved with the church M>L in various peace-building 3.3 3.6 p>0.05 3.7 3.2 3.6 3.3 p>0.05 p=0.001 initiatives Forgiveness was the centre of 4.2 4.0 p>0.05 4.0 4.2 p>0.05 4.1 4.1 p>0.05 reconciliation and healing Counselling was carried out in F>M L>M 3.9 3.5 3.4 3.9 3.6 3.8 p>0.05 various forms p=0.011 p=0.001 Peace and prayer rallies were F>M L>M 3.9 3.5 3.5 3.9 3.6 3.8 p>0.05 called for uniting the survivors p=0.000 p=0.000 Peace and justice awareness M>L occurred through workshop 3.7 3.8 p>0.05 3.9 3.6 3.8 3.7 p>0.05 p=0.050 training The church provided humanitarian needs to victims 4.2 4.1 p>0.05 4.0 4.2 p>0.05 4.1 4.2 p>0.05 of violence: food, shelter and clothing Schools were established without any form of 3.8 3.8 p>0.05 3.7 3.8 p>0.05 3.7 3.9 p>0.05 discrimination Health service centres were L>M 3.6 3.3 p>0.05 3.2 3.6 3.3 3.7 p>0.05 instituted p=0.004 Vocational training centres were L>M 3.4 3.3 p>0.05 3.2 3.5 3.3 3.5 p>0.05 established p=0.013 Table 5.1 above presents the mean scores of significant difference between female and male, lay-people and ministers as well as the trained and untrained on the participation of MCZ in 70 Female Male Significance Minister Lay Person Significance Trained Untrained Significance reconciliation and healing processes from 1979 to 2013 in conjunction with Figures 5.1, 5.2 and 5.3 below. The means for gender, status and training may be seen in Table 5.1 above; the higher means (which would fall within the range of 1 to 5) indicate a greater tendency to agree with the item. The scale used was based on a 5-point Likert scale, the median statistics that separated positive perceptions from negative perceptions was 3.0. Compared with the outcome above, all the items were greater than 3.0, providing confirmation that generally the participation of MCZ was met with positive feedback from the respondents. In comparison, there were more trained participants who agreed that the church participated in the peace-building process than untrained participants as this was marked by a mean of 4.0 against 3.5 (p=0.031), however, despite the difference both participants had foreshadow a tendency to agree with a statement. Probably the difference is there because all ministers went through training and have more understanding on what was taking place in the church, hence their contribution exceeds other educated lay people. The statement that MCZ participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its transformative role received a tendency of agreeing by both variables though the mean scores of the training variables were 3.8 versus 3.6 (p=0.049) which indicated that there were more trained than untrained respondents. The variance can have been influenced by the fact that the trained understood what was meant in reference to the church as a ‘conscience of the nation’ in its peace-building role. With regard to variables of status, the ministers agreed more than the lay people by a mean score of 3.7 against 3.2 (p=0.001) over the item ‘I was involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives’. In spite of that difference the means around 3 predicted a tendency to agree with a statement. The influencing point was that, by nature of ministers’ work every one of them carried this task by default, whether one liked it or not, but there was a choice for lay people. With regard to counselling stating that it was carried out in various forms, it has shown means above 3 which is an indication of a tendency to agree with the statement though more females (3.9) agreed than males (3.5) (p=0.011). The difference between the variables could be probably because there are more females in the health sector in Zimbabwe as well as within MCZ, the most vulnerable group to political violence in any society is women, by nature women are empathic and motherly hence they were more involved in counselling than their male counterparts. On the matter of counselling, a distinct variance reflects that more 71 laypersons (3.9) than ministers (3.4) (p=0.011) admitted that counselling was offered in many ways and by many more others than ministers. Regardless of the distinct difference between responses by variables the means were above 3 indicating a tendency to agree with the statement. Variance could be that lay people had received therapy from ministers though most professional counsellors are from the lay personnel and they understand what this means. In considering statement on religious gatherings the mean was around 3 reflecting a tendency to agree with the item, though fewer males agreed that peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors (3.9 versus 3.5 (p=0.000)) . However, less response from males can be because the majority of men do not attend such events, compared with females. On the same, there were more laypersons than ministers indicating a mean around 3; comparably 3.9 against 3.5 (p=0.000) which is a tendency to agree with a statement confirming that prayer rallies were initiated, meaning that lay people who are part of grassroots where the impact of violence is experienced, could have witnessed the peace initiatives being carried out. In respect of awareness of peace and justice, it appears that more ministers tend to agree than laypersons with a significance difference of 3.9 versus 3.6 (p=0.050). Despite the significance difference of the two variables both means are above 3 which reflects a disposition to agree with a statement. The variance in the perception could be due to the fact that ministers are the custodians of all church-oriented training. In view of the institutionalisation of health service centres, the means of both variables are around 3 that point a disposition to agree with a statement though laypersons agree more than ministers with a significance difference of 3.6 and 3.2 (p=0.004). The question on vocational training centres, showed ministers agreed more than lay people, with a significance difference of 3.7 against 3.2 (p=0.013). Since the means from both variables are around 3 this would signal a tendency to agree with a statement. Probably the variance was initiated by the bias that ministers are more knowledgeable about the status in the church than lay people who are non-employees of the church. Overall, the participants agreed that MCZ has participated in peace-building processes responding to the issues of forgiveness, humanitarian needs and non-discrimination from schools. Overall, from the results above, the gender, whether one was a female or male tended to influence the perceptions of the respondents as two of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These include questionnaire analysis on, Counselling was carried out in various forms Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors 72 On the status, whether one was a minister or layperson, tended to influence the perceptions of the respondents as six of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These include questionnaire analysis of: I was involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives Counselling was carried out in various forms Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors Peace and justice awareness occurred through workshop training Health service centres were instituted Vocational training centres were established On the variable training, whether one was trained or untrained tended to influence the perceptions of the respondents as two of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These included questionnaire analysis on: The church participated in the peace-building process It participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its transformative role Vocational training centres were established 3,33,4 Health service centres were instituted 3,3 3,6 Schools were established without any form of discrimination 3,83,8 The church provided humanitarian needs to victims of violence: 4,1 food, shelter and clothing 4,2 Peace and justice awareness occurred through workshop 3,8 training 3,7 Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors 3,5 3,9 Counselling was carried out in various forms 3,5 3,9 Forgiveness was the centre of reconciliation and healing 4 4,2 I was involved with the church in various peace building 3,6 initiatives 3,3 It participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its 3,8 transformative role 3,7 The church participated in the peace building process 3,93,7 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 Male Female Figure 5.1: MCZ participation by gender 73 Basing on the findings from Figure 5. 1 above, it is quite evident that overall, the highest ratings with respect to the participation of MCZ by gender, are related to the provision of humanitarian needs to victims of violence. This included items such as food, shelter and clothing, and recorded the highest mean around 4.2 among the females. The males also acknowledged this participation and rated this item with a mean around 4.1 foretelling a disposition to agree with a statement. The other highly rated item was the role played by MCZ towards reconciliation and healing and this was very evident among women, with the respective rating means of 4.2, against the 4.0 rating among males, however, the means signal a trend to agree with a statement. Nevertheless, while the majority of the items were rather homogeneous, the least rated were notably, the establishment of vocational centres, as well as the institution of health services, whose rating amongst males was the least, being 3.3, while the respective ratings among females were 3.4 and 3.6. Despite these variances between variables the means around 3 foreshadow a tendency to agree with statements. The other poorly rated item was the involvement in the church in peace-building initiatives, with the least rating of 3.3 being observed among the females. Overall, the most notable gap between the males and females was 0.4 and this was observed with respect to prayer rallies, as well as the conductance of counselling sessions. Vocational training centres were established 3,43,4 Health service centres were instituted 4,73,6 Schools were established without any form of discrimination 3,2 3,8 The church provided humanitarian needs to victims of 3,7 violence: food, shelter and clothing 4,2 Peace and justice awareness occurred through workshop 4 training 3,6 Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors 3,5 3,9 Counselling was carried out in various forms 3,4 3,9 Forgiveness was the centre of reconciliation and healing 4 4,2 I was involved with the church in various peace building 3,7 initiatives 3,2 It participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its 3,7 transformative role 3,7 The church participated in the peace building process 3,93,7 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 Minister Layperson Figure 5.2: MCZ participation by status 74 From the findings in Figure 5.2 above, it is evident that overall, the highest ratings with respect to the participation of MCZ by status is related to three categories. The health service centres were instituted as recording the highest mean of 4.7 among ministers whilst lay-persons’ acknowledgement was 3.6. The other highly rated items with the same mean scores of 4.2 are among laypersons which are: the church provided humanitarian needs to victims of violence such as food, shelter and clothing, and forgiveness was the centre of healing and reconciliation. Evidently these items were less rated among ministers as 3.7 and 4.0 respectively. Nevertheless, while the majority of the items were rather homogeneous, the least rated were notably, ‘schools were established without any form of discrimination’ as well as ‘I was involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives’ with a tie mean score of 3.2 among minsters and laypersons. The other poorly rated items among both ministers and layperson was the establishment of vocational training centres with a score of 3.4 and among ministers, counselling was carried out in various forms and was rated as 3.4. The most notable gap between the ministers and laypersons was 1.1 and this was observed with respect to health service centres being instituted. Vocational training centres were established 3,33,5 Health service centres were instituted 3,7 3,3 Schools were established without any form of discrimination 3,9 3,7 The church provided humanitarian needs to victims of… 44,1,2 Peace and justice awareness occurred through workshop… 3,7 3,8 Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors 3,63,8 Counselling was carried out in various forms 3,63,8 Forgiveness was the centre of reconciliation and healing 4,1 4,1 I was involved with the church in various peace building… 3,33,6 It participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its… 3,6 3,8 The church participated in the peace building process 3,5 4 UNTRAINED 0 TRAINE1D 2 3 4 5 Figure 5.3: MCZ participation by training 75 As indicated from Figure 5.3 above, it is quite evident that overall, the highest rating with respect to the participation of MCZ by training, is related to the item on ‘the church provided humanitarian needs to victims of violence’. This item comprised of food, shelter and clothing, recording the highest mean score of 4.2 among the untrained against 4.1 among the trained. Relatively, the forgiveness was the centre of reconciliation and healing which reflected the second highest recording of 4.1 with a tie among and between the untrained and trained, however, as noted above, a mean around 4 would predict a tendency to agree with the statements. While the majority of the items were rather homogeneous, the least rated were notably, ‘vocational training centres were established and health service centres were instituted with the mean score of 3.3 among the trained against 3.5 and 3.7 among untrained, respectively which would foretell a tendency to agree with the statements. On the same the item, I was involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives which indicates 3.3 among the trained. The other poorly recorded items, with an equal mean score of 3.5, were linked to vocational training centres being established as well as the church participating in peace- building process and being among the untrained. Despite significance difference between variables, a mean around 3 would foreshadow a tendency to agree with statements. Overall, the most distinct gap 0.5 is clearly identified from the church participated in peace-building process having untrained with a mean score of 3.5 versus 4.0 of the trained. 5.2.2 Need for reconciliation and healing The means for gender, status and training are shown below in Table 5.2. Again, the higher means (which would fall within the range of 1 to 5) indicate a greater tendency to agree with the item. 76 Table 5.2 Need for reconciliation and healing Gender Status Training Both perpetrators and victims M>F M>L T>U 4.3 4.7 4.7 4.4 4.7 4.2 need reconciliation and healing p=0.000 p>0.006 p=0.000 The MCZ intervention reached F>M L.M 3.7 3.4 3.4 3.6 3.5 3.6 p>0.05 out to national political leaders p>0.008 p>0.008 Peace-building initiatives L>M 3.7 3.5 p>0.05 3.5 3.7 3.5 3.7 p>0.05 reached out at grassroots level p=0.045 Survivors need psychotherapy T>U 4.3 4.4 p>0.05 3.2 3.4 p>0.05 3.2 3.5 for PTSD p=0.002 Social relationships have been U>T 3.4 3.2 p=0.05 3.2 3.4 p>0.05 3.2 3.5 addressed p=0.039 F>M L>M Physical healing has been done 3.3 3.0 3.0 3.3 3.1 3.3 p>0.05 p=0.015 p=0.030 From the foregoing, it is evident that the two highly rated items across the three categories were that both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing, as well as that survivors need psychotherapy for PTSD. Table 5.2 above, linked with Figures 5:4, 5.5 and 5.6 below, reliably reflected the significance difference in the mean scores on the need for reconciliation and healing. With regard to the issue of both perpetrators and victims needing reconciliation and healing a mean around 4 would indicate a tendency to agree with a statement as there were more responses from males than females with a significant difference of 4.7 and 4.3 (p=0.000), more scores from ministers than laypersons with a significant difference of mean 4.7 and 4.4 (p=0.006) as well as more from trained than untrained with a significant difference of 4.7 and 4.2 (p=0.000). Reasons for variances could be: in male versus female, violence is mostly perpetrated by males and women appear to know the remedy for the survivors. Also, they are more into peace-building. With the case of ministers versus lay people, it could be that ministers are informed of the depth of hurt from both sides which need intervention since and they are very much into the ministry of reconciliation and healing by virtue of their profession. For trained versus untrained, it is probably due to level of understanding that both survivors and perpetrators need therapy and also the trained were exposed in training as to where they could identify that need. On the matter of the MCZ intervention reaching out to national political leaders, a mean above 3 would foretell a disposition to agree with a statement as there were more females who agreed than their male counterparts with a significant difference of 3.8 and 3.4 (p=0.008). It may have 77 Female Male Significance Minister Lay Person Significance Trained Untrained Significance been the higher responses were influenced by the fact that women are the majority within national statistics, in the church and in political arena. Also it was noted that intervention reached out to national political leaders with a significant difference of 3.6 and 4.3 (p=0.008); more lay persons agreed than ministers in their responses. The statistical difference can be due to the bias that 52% were lay people as compared to 48% ministers with the laity being more privy to politics by being members, hence they knew more about what transpired than ministers. Comparing responses between females, a significant difference of 3.3 and 3.0 (p=0.015) was noted on ‘physical healing has been done’, where there were more positive females than males who were neutral. The trend could be that as females are the vulnerable variable in society, they are exposed to violence and the majority are into health services. On the same matter of physical healing, more lay persons agreed than ministers with a significance difference of 3.3 and 3.0 (p=0.030); probably the variance was demographically influenced and also the most affected victims were the lay people who had stories to tell, in this case, a mean around 3 would indicate a tendency to agree with above statements. Over the matter of ‘survivors need psychotherapy for PTSD’, a mean above 4 would point a reflection to agree with a statement as trained respondents agreed more than untrained with a significant difference of 4.5 and 4.1 (p=0.002). The leading factor over the difference could be due to the trained understanding better than the untrained that survivors need therapy (they were 66% against untrained 34%); also, they could have been involved in counselling processes. In respect of social relationships having been addressed, a high mean score of untrained agreed more than the trained, statistically owing to a significant difference of 3.5 and 3.2 (p=0.039). The deviation could be from the fact that the trained had been involved in peace-building and may have observed that the process did not take place effectively. Comparatively, more lay people agree than ministers, with a significant difference of 3.7 and 3.5 (p=0.045). The general assumption leading to significant difference could be the fact that as lay people constitute the grassroots, it also means that more have experienced peace-building processes (52% being lay people against 48% being ministers) and this could have yielded a biased response. However, a mean around 3 indicated a tendency to agree with the above statements. Given the responses, there appeared to be a true reflection that there was need for reconciliation and healing as the trend of every question’s mean score was not beyond an average of 3.0. This 78 confirms that positively, peace-building was a necessity despite marked differences in certain areas. Based on the outcome above, it can be seen that the ratings of the need for reconciliation and healing differed across the three demographic characteristics, that is, gender, status as well as training. On the gender variable, whether one was female or male tended to influence the perceptions of the respondents as three of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These include questionnaire analysis for: Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing The MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders Physical healing has been done In the comparison between ministers and the laymen (status variable), four of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These include questionnaire analysis on Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing The MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders Peace-building initiatives reached out at grassroots level Physical healing has been done With respect to the training variable, trained versus untrained revealed that three of the items significantly differed in ratings with respect to this group (p<0.05). These included questionnaire analysis on: Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing Survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) Social relationships have been addressed 79 Physical healing has been done 3 3,3 Social relationships have been addressed 3,2 3,4 Survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress 4,4 disorder (PTSD) 4,3 Peace building initiatives reached out at grassroots level 3,5 3,7 The MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders 3,4 3,7 Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing 4,7 4,3 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 MALE FEMALE Figure 5.4: Need for reconciliation and healing by gender Basing on the findings in Figure 5:4 above, the highest ratings with respect to the need for reconciliation and healing by gender, were related to both perpetrators and victims needing reconciliation and healing. This has been highly rated with a mean of 4.7 among males. Females also acknowledged this need and rated this item with 4.3. Another item highly rated is linked to the survivors needing psychotherapy for PTSD with a mean of 4.4 among males while their female counterparts recorded 4.3. From the above two items, a mean around 4 would forecast to a tendency to agree with statements. However, the least recordings with mean of 3 as well as 3.2 were among males based on the items, ‘physical healing has been done’ and ‘social relationships have been addressed’, respectively also pointed a tendency to agree with a statement. Though the majority of the items were rather similar, the observed gap between males and females was 0.4 in terms of the item that both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing. 80 3 Physical healing has been done 3,3 3,2 Social relationships have been addressed 3,4 Survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress 4,5 disorder (PTSD) 4,2 3,5 Peace building initiatives reached out at grassroots level 3,7 3,4 The MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders 3,6 4,7 Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing 4,4 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 MINISTERS IAYPERSONS Figure 5.5: Need for reconciliation and healing by status From the findings of Figure 5.5 above, the two items that recorded highest mean scores of 4.7 and 4.5, both among misters, are notable: both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing and survivors need psychotherapy for PTSD, respectively. To a less extent, these items were rated lower among laypersons with 4.4 and 4.2 respectively, in this case a mean around 4 pointed a tendency to agree with the statements. Nevertheless, while the majority of the items were rather homogeneous, the least rated were notably, ‘physical healing has been done’ and ‘social relationships were addressed’ with mean of 3.0 and 3.2 respectively, both among ministers and the mean around 3 would indicate a disposition to agree with statements. On the whole, the most outstanding gap between ministers and laypersons was 0.3 and is observed in ‘physical healing has been done’, ‘survivors need psychotherapy for PTSD’ as well as ‘both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing’. 81 Physical healing has been done 3,3 3,1 Social relationships have been addressed 3,5 3,2 Survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress 4,1 disorder (PTSD) 4,5 Peace building initiatives reached out at grassroots level 3,7 3,5 The MCZ intervention reached out to national political 3,7 leaders 3,5 Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and 4,2 healing 4,7 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 UNTRAINED TRAINED Figure 5.6: Need for reconciliation and healing training With regard to the findings from Figure 5.6 above, clear evidence shows that the highest ratings in respect of need of reconciliation and healing by training are related to both perpetrators and victims needing reconciliation and healing with a mean score of 4.7 among the trained. The untrained also acknowledged this need and rated this item with 4.2. The other highly rated item was survivors needing psychotherapy for PTSD, and this was evident among the trained, with the respective rating of 4.5 against the 4.1 rating among untrained. However, a mean around 4 would foretell a reflection to agree with statements on the above. From another perspective, though the majority of the items were rather uniform, the least rated were identifiable: ‘physical healing has been done’ with a rating of 3.1 among the trained against 3.3 among the untrained. Nevertheless, another item, ‘social relationships have been addressed’ was rated in the category of the least as evidenced by the 3.2 rating among the trained versus 3.5 among the untrained, over and above a mean around 3 would indicate a tendency to agree with foresaid statements. Overall, the most distinct gap between trained and untrained was 0.5 as observed from the item ‘both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing’. 5.2.3 Civil society organisations that worked with MCZ The means for gender, status and training can be seen below in Table.5.3. Again, the higher means (which would fall within the range of 1 to 5), indicate a greater tendency to agree with the item. 82 Table 5.3: Civil society organisations that worked together with the MCZ in the peace- building process Gender Status Training A number of civil society organisations came forth for the 3.7 3.6 p>0.05 3.6 3.7 p>0.05 3.6 3.6 p>0.05 coalition with the MCZ The civil society organisations played a significant role 3.8 3.7 p>0.05 3.7 3.7 p>0.05 3.7 3.7 p>0.05 together with MCZ Table 5.3 above is linked with Figures 5.7, 5.8 and 5.9 below, and reliably reflected the significant difference in the mean scores on civil society organisations that worked together with the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe in peace-building process. From the outcomes above in Table 5.3, albeit the differences in the ratings obtained earlier, there were no significant differences across the three demographic factors for both items. In other words, the ratings across the categories were rather similar or in harmony with an insignificant and tolerable difference. The response mean-scores on three categories (gender, status and training) have no significant difference over the establishment of civil society organisations that worked together with the MCZ in peace-building initiatives, except to say there is no disagreement, rather neutral and agreement. In terms of this outcome, female respondents tended to concur highly that the civil society organisations played a significant role together with MCZ, hence a mean around 3 forecast a tendency to agree with two statements as this had the highest mean rating of 3.8. Nevertheless, the least rating was observed among the males on the item that a number of civil society organisations came forth for coalition with the MCZ and this had a mean rating of 3.6. 83 Female Male Significance Minister Lay Person Significance Trained Untrained Significance The civil society organisations played a significant role 3,7 together with MCZ 3,8 A number of civil society organisations came forth for 3,6 the coalition with the MCZ 3,7 3,5 3,55 3,6 3,65 3,7 3,75 3,8 3,85 MALE FEMALE Figure 5.7: Civil society organisations that worked together with the MCZ in peace- building process by gender Relying on the findings from Figure 5.7 above, the civil society organisations that worked with MCZ by gender showed a mean above 3 signaling a disposition to agree with the statements that the CSOs played a significant role together with MCZ, recording the highest mean of 3.7 and while the least rating was noted over the item, a number of CSOs came forth for the coalition with the MCZ bearing 3.6 as the mean score among males. Generally, there was no marked differences between all items. The civil society organisations played a significant role 3,7 together with MCZ 3,7 A number of civil society organisations came forth for 3,6 the coalition with the MCZ 3,7 3,54 3,56 3,58 3,6 3,62 3,64 3,66 3,68 3,7 3,72 MINISTERS LAYPERSONS Figure 5.8: Civil society organizations that worked together with the MCZ in peace- building process by status As projected in Figure 5.8 above, the highest rating is homogenous on the three items bearing a mean of 3.7 for ‘a number of CSOs came forth for the coalition with the MCZ’ among 84 laypersons and the CSOs played a significant role together with MCZ for both status. There was no distinct difference between the statuses on each item. The least rating of 3.6, however, among the ministers over ‘a number of CSOs came forth for the coalition with the MCZ’ was observed. Over and above a mean above 3 would point a disposition to agree with the statements. 3,7 The civil society organisations played a significant role together with MCZ 3,7 3,6 A number of civil society organisations came forth for the coalition with the MCZ 3,6 3,54 3,56 3,58 3,6 3,62 3,64 3,66 3,68 3,7 3,72 UNTRAINED TRAINED Figure 5.9: Civil society organizations that worked together with the MCZ in peace- building process by training Interestingly, Figure 5.9 reflected two categories of items with ties of variables. The highest ratings were linked to the item, ‘CSOs played a significant role together with MCZ’ with a mean score of 3.7 among the trained and untrained. The least mean of 3.6 was observed from the item ‘a number of CSOs came forth for the coalition with the MCZ’ among trained and untrained. However, as Figure 5.22 was also identified with no disagreement or gap a mean above 3 would signal a tendency of agree with in both statements. 5.2.4 Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s Fostering of Reconciliation and Healing The last dimension of this study reviewed the challenges that were encountered by MCZ in its efforts to foster reconciliation and healing. This was measured, as in the preceding items, on a five-point Likert scale. In this regard, the median statistic that was considered as the cut-off was 3.0, with mean ratings greater than 3.0 indicating that there was general consensus among the respondents. The summary statistics for all the items are presented in Table 5.4. 85 Table 5.4: Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing Gender Status Training The church became a product of 2.9 2.8 p>0.05 2.9 2.8 p>0.05 2.8 2.8 p>0.05 colonial legacy M>F There was inadequate funding 3.1 3.6 3.6 3.2 p>0.05 3.5 3.2 p>0.05 p=0.050 There were internal divisions 3.0 3.4 p>0.05 3.4 3.0 p>0.05 3.3 3.0 p>0.05 over partisan politics There was a lack of political 3.1 3.4 p>0.05 3.4 3.1 p>0.05 3.4 3.1 p>0.05 will There was a lack of public 3.0 3.4 p>0.05 3.3 3.0 p>0.05 3.3 3.0 p>0.05 counselling centres There was a lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ 3.1 3.0 p>0.05 3.1 3.1 p>0.05 3.0 3.2 p>0.05 personnel There was insufficient education L>M for reconciliation, healing and 3.4 3.4 p>0.05 3.4 3.5 3.4 3.5 p>0.05 p=0.023 truth-telling There was unsupportiveness 3.2 3.4 p>0.05 2.8 3.1 p>0.05 2.8 3.2 p>0.05 from civil society organisations There were poor government T>U 3.4 3.7 p>0.05 3.6 3.4 p>0.05 3.6 3.4 legislative reforms p=0.017 From the results above, while there tended to be some variability across most of the items, the reflection on the multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing is characterised with disagreements, neutrals and agreements while the overriding factor is the significant differences in mean scores as tabulated in Figure 5.4 above in conjunction with Figures 5.10, 5.11 and 5.12. More responses from males tend to agree that there was inadequate funding than females with a significant difference of 3.6 and 3.1 (p=0.050) in which the marked difference might be influenced by statistical participant gender differences in which there were more males (53%) than females (47%). In as far as there was insufficient training for reconciliation, healing and truth-telling, this is rated with more lay persons agreeing than the ministers with a significant difference of 3.5 and 3.4 (p=0.023). The scenario could have been caused by the fact that there were more lay persons than ministers (52% against 48%), also as the lay persons were part of the majority at grassroots level who would have been most affected, they may have been more likely to have observed correctly that the process was lacking. The variances could have been created because some of the variables would have been exposed to the peace-building actors whilst others were not fully aware of the actors’ contributions. In terms of poor government legislative reforms, those who had been trained 86 Female Male Significance Minister Lay Person Significance Trained Untrained Significance agreed more than those untrained, with mean scores of 3.6 versus 3.4 translating to p=0.017. Again, the variance in favour of the trained could reliably have been caused by the fact that there were 66% trained against 34% untrained. In addition, interpretation and understanding of the research question could differ due to the varying level of education in respondents. A number of challenges were evident during the course of fostering reconciliation and healing. The most prominent and common were the least rated items, that is, whether the church became a product of colonial legacy and whether there was support from civil society organisations. These tended to be the least rated across the three categories. Overall, some of the responses were below average meaning that there was no positive agreement. Certain items differed significantly in ratings with respect to these groups (p<0.05). These include questionnaire analysis on There was inadequate funding. There was insufficient education for reconciliation and healing and truth-telling. There were poor government legislative reforms. There were poor government legislative reforms 2,7 3,4 There was unsupportiveness from civil society… 2,7 3,2 There was insufficient education for reconciliation and… 3,43,4 There was a lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ… 33,1 There was a lack of public counselling centres 3,43 There was a lack of political will 3,43,1 There were internal divisions over partisan politics 3,43 There was inadequate funding 3,63,1 The church became a product of colonial legacy 2,82,9 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 MALE FEMALE Figure 5.10: Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by gender The facts depicted in Figure 5.10 above show that, overall, the highest ratings with respect to the challenges to fostering reconciliation and healing by gender were related to inadequate funding with a mean above 3 would foretelling a tendency to agree with statement which recorded highest mean of 3.6 among males while females registered the same item with 3.1. A 87 mean around 3 would indicate a tendency to agree with statements as highly rated with the mean score of 3.4 among males were: there was insufficient education for reconciliation, healing and truth-telling, lack of skilled counsellors within MCZ, lack of political will and existence of internal divisions over partisan politics. Despite this uniformity in rating, the least rated items (even below average) were poor government legislative reforms and unsupportiveness from CSOs with a mean of 2.7 among males, however, a mean around 2 would point a disposition to disagree with statements. Generally, a prominent variance of 0.7 is noted between males and females over the case that there were poor government legislative reforms. There were poor government legislative reforms 3,63,4 There was unsupportiveness from civil society organisations 2,8 3,1 There was insufficient education for reconciliation and healing 3,4 and truth-telling 3,5 There was a lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ 3,1 personnel 3,1 There was a lack of public counselling centres 3,33 There was a lack of political will 3,43,1 There were internal divisions over partisan politics 3,43 There was inadequate funding 3,63,2 The church became a product of colonial legacy 2,92,8 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 MINISTERS LAYPERSONS Figure 5.11: Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by status The figures in Figure 5.11 above portray items with highest mean scores on the objective pursuing the challenges to fostering reconciliation and healing by training. With respect to items, poor government legislative reforms as well as inadequate funding recorded the highest mean of 3.6 among ministers. The lay persons also acknowledged these two challenges, rated with 3.4 and 3.2 respectively. The other highly rated item was that there was insufficient education for reconciliation, healing and truth-telling, evidently among lay persons, with an 88 observable rating of 3.5 compared with the 3.4 rating among ministers. Despite the variances between variables means around 3 would foreshadow a tendency to agree with statements Also worth noting are the least (below average) rated items: the church became a product of colonial legacy and there was unsupportiveness from CSOs with mean of 2.8 among laypersons and ministers with the rating of 2.9 which reflects means around 2 signaling a tendency to disagree with the statements while around mean of 3 indicated a tendency to agree with statements among ministers and laypersons. The other observation was the notable gap between ministers and laypersons of 0.4 depicted for challenges of inadequate funding as well as existence of internal divisions over partisan politics. There were poor government legislative reforms 3,43,6 There was unsupportiveness from civil society organisations 3,22,8 There was insufficient education for reconciliation and healing 3,5 and truth-telling 3,4 There was a lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ 3,2 personnel 3 There was a lack of public counselling centres 3 3,3 There was a lack of political will 3,1 3,4 There were internal divisions over partisan politics 3 3,3 There was inadequate funding 3,2 3,5 The church became a product of colonial legacy 2,82,8 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 UNTRAINED TRAINED Figure 5.12: Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing by training Figure 5.12 above depicts highly rated items for challenges to fostering reconciliation and healing by variable training. Poor government legislative reforms was the highest rated with a mean of 3.6 among the trained and 3.4 among the untrained. In addition, inadequate funding and insufficient education for reconciliation, healing and truth-telling had a mean of 3.5 with 3.2 and 3.4 among untrained and trained respectively, hence a mean around 3 would predict a 89 tendency to agree with all statements. The majority of ratings were uniform with the exception of the least (below average) rated: ‘The church became a product of colonial legacy’ as well as ‘unsupportiveness from CSOs’ with means around 2.8 would point a tendency to disagree with statements for both variables among trained and untrained. The gap between untrained and trained was 0.4 for the item of unsupportiveness from CSOs. 5.3 Analysis of questionnaire comments Of 211, 73 questionnaire respondents (R) made comments and themes were identified from these. The narrative data in the comments section was captured and qualitatively analysed. The general themes that emerged were: involvement of church in peace-building, reconciling political violence survivors, provision of humanitarian needs, workshop training for peace and justice, truth-telling, forgiveness being at the centre of reconciliation, religious reconciliatory sermons and prayers, public counselling centres, team work, inadequacy of funding resources, lack of political will, poor government legislative reforms, sour relationships between church and state, fear, church maintaining colonial legacy, passiveness of church, lack of social justice desk and partisan politics Involvement of church in peace-building Comments from five respondents confirmed that the church had participated in peace-building programmes. Evidence can be seen in the following excerpts: “The church saved a lot through several approaches in peace-building” (R141) and R76 commented it was through advocacy programmes during ‘Murambatsvina’ while R118 said it was during Murambatsvina and the period before the presidential run-off in 2008. R78’s comment was that church did though faced with some challenges. R136 confirmed that church ministers were significantly involved. Reconciling political violence survivors Two respondents acknowledged the need for reconciliation and healing: R108 explained that both perpetrators and victims of violence needed reconciliation and healing because the nation was wounded. R92 stated that reconciliation and healing is not yet over particularly those affected by Gukurahundi. 90 Provision of humanitarian needs In as far as the peace-building is concerned in Zimbabwe, two of respondents raised the theme on the provision of humanitarian needs as highlighted in the following; R44 commented that provided humanitarian needs through Methodist Development and Relief Agent (MeDRA) with the support from Zimbabwe Council of Churches. R66 said the aid was through church circuits which are amalgamation of several societies in the understanding of Madhiba (2010). Training workshops on peace and justice Four respondents raised the theme of training workshops on peace and justice: R13 commented that training of counsellors was done before elections at all levels in the society. “The civic education and awareness was carried out while forgiveness was at the center of everything” (R17). R43 noted that training also involved policy implementers with less engaging grassroots, but church should be proactive against injustices rather than being reactive. R120 felt that imparting of knowledge and skills was critical and that the Trinity Methodist Church has members with skills from Moral Rearmament Programme (MRP) for forgiveness, reconciliation and rebuilding persons. Truth-telling Two respondents raised the theme on truth-telling: R90 commented that truth-telling was necessary for victims to share their stories freely while perpetrators should publicly apologise for their past wrongs. R91 said since truth- telling was lacking in the Zimbabwean situation, healing and reconciliation required rebuilding of relationships in the entire community. Forgiveness being at the centre of reconciliation Three respondents commented on the theme of forgiveness being at the centre of reconciliation: R3 claimed that the church taught forgiveness during peace-building by various approaches while R1 felt that advocating for peace, reconciliation cannot be possible without forgiveness. R28 also said the peace-building processes were conducted and this helped in bringing about forgiveness. 91 Religious reconciliatory sermons, teachings and prayers Two respondents mentioned the theme of religious reconciliatory sermons, teachings and prayers as follows: R8 said the church had held peace prayer gatherings characterised by reconciliatory preaching sermons and prayers for healing of the nation. R112 noted that lay preachers and ministers utilised the pulpit in preaching reconciliation despite surveillance. Public counselling centres Two of the respondents commented on public counselling centres for therapeutic assistance of political violence survivors: R173’s comment was that public counselling centres were crucial for traumatised people and require professionals for handling trauma and R57 commented that victims of Gukurahundi, injustice on land redistribution, Murambatsvina and elections from 2000 to 2008 need these centres. Team work Two of respondents identified the importance of team work: R165 commented that peace-building process in Zimbabwe were a product of team work between the church and civil society organisations (CSOs). R118 expressed that MCZ did not do much alone but had teamed up with ZCC. Inadequacy of funding resources Two respondents noted inadequacy of funding resources: R112 claimed the church was crippled financially to fully execute its role in workshop trainings and other needs. R18 commented that inadequacy of finances led to postponing, suspending or cancelling some of the programmes. Lack of political will Four comments noted lack of political will as a challenge to the work of reconciliation and healing as highlighted from the following: R53: “The current government has no proper and credible peace and reconciliation process, for the reason best known to themselves”. R119 explained that civil society 92 organisations and the churches had suggested a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, but this was declined by government. R28 claimed that government dragged its feet in terms of alleviating the chaotic situation. Poor government legislative reforms Four respondents noted the effect of poor government reforms: R15 claimed that government imposed restrictive measures against freedom of assembly, expression and media which stifled the smooth running of the peace-building programmes. R30 commented that POSA, AIPPA and BSA were instrumental to suppression. R53 noted that ministers of religion and general people were arrested if they criticised the government’s injustices or arranged religious public gatherings. R175 commented that the NGOs Bill hindered funding towards reconciliation and healing processes. Sour relationships between church and state Three the respondents highlighted sour relationships between the church and state: R62 commented that if the church and the government worked in harmony this could promote peace-building. R49 highlighted that in certain instances the state barred the church from participatory activities and told them to leave politics and concentrate on pulpit. The church was constantly labelled anti-government and unpatriotic when condemning the government for violating human rights. R39 commented that government should listen to the church’s advocacy for peace and reconciliation. Fear Two respondents commented on fear: R99 expressed that because of fear of being associated with the opposition political parties, the church failed to intervene for peace especially during the Gukurahundi period. R122 commented that fear led to the church going backstage instead of effectively participating in peace-building while R15 said there was fear of losing farms if anyone became vocal against government. Church maintaining colonial legacy Only one response was mentioned the church maintaining a colonial legacy: 93 “The church maintains the colonial legacy in the sense that its hymnal book still has liturgical prayers for the support of the political leaders since the then Rhodesia and up to today Zimbabwe, despite of those leaders being perpetrators of violence.” (R160) Passiveness of the church Four respondents’ comments highlighted the theme of passiveness of the church during the time of the government’s ‘madness’ as shown in the following excerpts; R77 highlighted that the church had been silent in challenging the ruling ZANU-PF party for human rights abuses during political violence. R209 commented that the church had negated its prophetic role and failed to address perpetrators of violence while R4 articulated that the church must be more vocal, visible and pragmatic in the whole area of conflict resolution. R88 felt that the church should not compromise doing good work; it must also deal with perpetrators even if they are leaders within the church. Lack of the social justice desk The theme on lack of social justice desk was identified by two respondents: R82 commented that the church lacked effectiveness because it had no equipped social justice desk. R211 suggested a church social justice desk for the convenience for peace initiative processes. Partisan politics Three of the respondents proposed that there was division over partisan politics: “Kereke yakagona, nokuti yaitsigira uye yakatibatsira kuti tive tisingatore mativi munezve matongerwo enyika pazvaive zvakaoma” (the church did very well in assisting church members to be neutral in politics during the peak of violence) (R114). R121 commented that the church continued to be non-partisan during the periods of national conflict and peace-building, while R187 commented that the church was politically divided between denominations and as an individual denomination. 5.4 Analysis of interviews This section presents qualitative results of the second phase of the four objectives of the study: participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing processes from 1979 to 2013, the need for reconciliation and healing, CSOs that worked together with the MCZ in peace-building and multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing. To achieve the goals 94 of these objectives, 16 (P1-P16) participants were identified and engaged one-on-one in individual interviews. Various themes were identified in the interview schedule which are linked with research objectives in the questionnaire. The interviews were carried out from 15 April 2016 to 6 June 2016 in the following districts; Harare East, Harare West, Marondera, Kadoma, Gweru, Masvingo, Bulawayo and Hwange and two participants were drawn from each district. From the interview discussions, the following themes emerged: Effective participation, concept of reconciliation, engaging leaders of opposing political parties, establishment of social services, provision of humanitarian needs, workshop trainings, counselling, religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings, memorial and reburial services, communication by literature, perpetrators and victims of political violence, advocacy for peace and justice, levels of community targeted, team work, ineffective participation, inadequacy of funding, lack of professional personnel, fear, lack of the social justice desk, lack of political will, poor government legislative reforms, divisions over partisan politics, lack of public counselling centres, lack of truth-telling, lack of public counselling centres, legacy of church on peace- building The following sections explore these themes in more detail and draw on various approaches towards peace-building processes. Effective participation Three participants felt there was effective participation by the church as confirmed in the following excerpts: According to P5, during the peace talks of Lancaster House in 1979 in Britain, 1987 Unity Accord and 2008 Government of National Unity, the church was part of the peace talks. “IMCZ yeza ebantwini bonke phakathi kwesigaba ukuzobahlanganisa ngenjongo yokupholisa amanxeba” (MCZ came down to all people within the community to bring them together for the purposes of healing wounds) (P1). According to P13, the church intervened by virtue of being in every corner of Zimbabwe and always preaching reconciliation and healing. The seconding of ministers to serve in government was a case in point. 95 Concept of reconciliation With regard to the theme of the concept of reconciliation, two participants noted: P14: “As Methodists adopted reconciliation which entails people living in harmony, as commanded of Christ in 2 Corinthians 5:18-19 emphasize that God in Christ reconciled the world so be reconciled to God implies to be reconciled to one another in harmony. In that respect God has given the church duty or ministry of reconciliation; bringing estranged parties into co-existence through emphasis on forgiveness.” “Ibandla le MCZ likholwa ngokuthethelelwa mnqamlezweni, yinto bani pho thina singathethelani. Imfundo yothethelo sayiphiwa ngu Kirisitu emnqamlezweni ephakhati kobuhlungu, impela lathi simele sixolelane inxa kubuhlungu kanjani”. (MCZ believes in forgiveness through the cross, who are we not forgiving each other. Forgiven by Christ on the cross thus where it came from no matter how differences are we need to be reconciled to each other) (P3). Engaging leaders of opposing political parties Three interviewees contributed to this theme: According to P10, President Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF, Morgan Tsvangirayi leader of MDC-T, Author Mutambara of MDC-M as well as Welshman Ncube of MDC-W and other key political figures met to discuss about ending political crisis in Zimbabwe. P7: “Sometimes Ecumenical Religious Bodies engaged together as two or more opposing political parties yet no principals came forth, but rather representative.” Also P9 noted that church ministers would speak to their members who were politicians to control their supporters to desist from instigating political violence. Establishment of social service centres In respect of strategies for fostering peace-building initiatives, five participants commented on the theme of establishment of social services centres: P8 noted that the church established institutions for various activities such as learning for primary and secondary education. Also at tertiary level there was training of personnel in agriculture, nursing, teaching, carpentry, building and thus empowerment to the country. Mission schools such as United Theological College assisted with training the ministers of religion in theology. P1 highlighted the role of the church’s mission schools (Thekwani, Tinde, Matchinge, Waddilove, Pakame, Sandringham, Moleli, Kwenda and Chemhanza) which enrolled children from all communities 96 without any discrimination. P4 mentioned that clinics were used by the local people for free. According to P7 physical structures provided sheltering of victims, food storage and for medical centers. School halls, as neutral grounds, were the venues for meetings and workshop trainings but had no influence towards solving political disputes. Institutions were open to bring people together for counselling, training, peace prayer rallies despite political affiliation; “all would get equal messages,” said P13. Provision of the humanitarian needs Four of the interviewees commented on the provision of the humanitarian needs: “Kana panga paita loss ye property kereke yaibatsira panezvose kune vakaputsirwa dzimba.” (if there were those who lost their property the church would assist with humanitarian needs) (P5). P3 described humanitarian needs for victims as food, accommodation, clothes, educational funding and financial support for going back home from refugee places. According to P4, the church rehabilitated destroyed shelter, church buildings and halls were used for sheltering; in Bulawayo, Hillside Methodist church housed over 200 displaced victims. P16 noted that prisoners in Hwa-hwa prison were supported with food, books, school fees, seed for planting, and finances for reconstruction of houses destroyed during Murambatsina era and political violence during pre-election and post-election of 2000, 2005 and 2008. Areas like Chigwizi and Binga were assisted with sinking of boreholes for water. Training workshops Training workshops emerged as another theme which was used as a strategy for initiating reconciliation and healing, and four participants expressed the following: P10 claimed that he MCZ was ‘notorious’ for packed workshop training programmes. Peace-building was factored into the religious programmes for church organisations such as Ruwadzano/Manyano (R/M), (women’s organisation) Men’s Christian Fellowship (MCU) (men’s organisation) or youth organisations such as Methodist Young Disciples (MYD), Boys’ Christian Union (BCU) and Girls’ Christian Union (GCU). There were training programmes which included human rights education, peace-building seminars and peer education programmes to address issues of violence (P4), which involved church and community leaders (P1). Many civic education workshops and training of trainers workshops for both ministers and lay people who 97 would go into communities to carry out civic education were held at district levels in preparation for peaceful elections (P11). Counselling Counselling was raised by five participants as part of peace-building processes: Counselling was carried out by ministers during pastoral visitation programmes one- on-one, at the church, homes or hospitals (P5). Seminars for post-trauma counselling were held by church ministers as well as professional counsellors within the church (P4). P10 noted that counselling was an important mechanism for therapeutic support for those who had been traumatised by either being hurt or having their relatives hurt, murdered or disappeared or having property destroyed. “Counselling was necessitated to educate perpetrators and victims to have mutual understanding of reparations for the property the duo would co-exist” (P16). Counselling aimed to address the traumatic disorders from the victims to foster sanity so that they could fit into the community and promote forgiveness towards perpetrators (P9). Counselling was a private process in hotels such as Midlands hotel and Fairmile hotel, Coolmoreen farm in Gweru as well as in church buildings (P13). Religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings Religious forgiveness and reconciliatory gathering was identified as another theme by four of the participants: The fellowship gathering at Mbare Methodist Church (MMC) in 1978-1979 was started and left a legacy for the entire church for ‘national prayers for peace and healing’ and groomed a life of forgiveness to each other (P13). Interdenominational peace prayer rallies came up with themes surrounding the subject of reconciliation and healing (P14). “Major topics addressed were forgiveness, acts of love, living as one family, and praying for the country’s leadership and unity” (P3). According to P6, gatherings would take place at Easter, Men’s Christian Union, Women’s Fellowship (Ruwadzano/ Manyano) or youth fellowship meetings which embraced all people from any political background and they were open to the public as well. Memorial and reburial services Memorial and reburial services were mentioned by two participants: 98 “We sourced funds to run reburial programme, we would go with survivors to identify whereabouts of shallow graves for reburial partnered with ONHRi , and also got support from civic society for carrying out reburial of the bodies which were not properly buried in shallow graves” (P11). Worship services for remembering the deceased were conducted with themes like healing, who is your neighbour, forgiveness or loving one another (P4). Communication by literature production Two participants noted that literature production was another approach to peace-building initiatives: “Literature selling with reconciliation and healing elements was pursued in a minute scale” (P3). P14 mentioned the joint authoring documents such as “The Zimbabwe that we want” focusing on the need for peace, reconciliation, prosperity and making proposals for the new constitution. Pastoral letters were either jointly produced or by church organisations alone. A number of themes also merged themes with regard to the need for reconciliation and healing in post-political conflict in Zimbabwe. Reconciling survivors of political violence Three participants mentioned the importance of reconciling political violence survivors who needed reconciliation and healing: The most victims of violence from 1979 to late 1980s were the whites and blacks, also blacks versus blacks meaning the ethnic groups of Ndebele speaking people and the Shona, especially supporters of ZAPU in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces suffered most due to atrocities of 1982-1986 Gukurahundi (P15). Civil society leaders of Zimbabwe Women Lawyers’ Association (ZWLY) who assisted politically traumatised women, church lay-preachers and ministers of religion who were preaching against political violence also became victims (P2). According to P4 the grassroots level was the most affected and villagers needed intervention for them to co-exist. Advocacy for peace and justice Only four interviewees mentioned advocacy for peace and justice: 99 The church’s initiatives were to confirm that need for reconciliation and healing was an acknowledgement of conflict, conflict sources and effects that violated human rights (P8). The church facilitated conflict transformation to enable the divided community of Zimbabwe to co-exist, leading to the healing of the wounds (P4). Issues addressed were on peace, justice and reconciliation, role of youths in peace-building and how to counsel both perpetrators and victims (P9). “Ndaisangana nevainzanisi venyaya tatourirana vobvuma kuti ndizvo zvatichaita kuti tive nejustice” (I used to meet judges to discuss about implementation of justice that which they agreed to uphold). (P5). Levels of community targeted Five participants discussed the levels of community targeted: By default, all levels of the community were addressed by ministers when they were preaching at community ceremonies, funerals or counselling and pastoring (P9). The middle level was met for conflict resolution workshops and the formulation of ideologies, which would then implemented at the grassroots level (P12). The church through its conference, conferred resolutions against political conflict and violence to the national leaders especially during the period of former presiding bishop who was in office from 2000-2005 (P2). Engagement was by default at all levels of the community by the church ministers when they were preaching, counselling and pastoring since there was always differences among the community (P15). “All levels were involved using church structures from society, circuits, districts and conference thus engaging grassroots, middle class and national level and this was why the organisation does not believe that reconciliation is complete if all levels were not addressed” (P14). With regard to the objective of civil society organisations that worked together with the church in peace-building process, only one theme emerged. Team work Two interviewees commented on joint ventures between CSOs and the church in the process of peace-building: Through team work, Red Cross International (RCI), Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) and Moral Re-Armament (MRA), Christian Care (CC), Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP), World Vision (WV), Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) all provided what they could for the success of peace-building initiatives (P4). Team 100 work between the church and multiple CSOs was of great value to reconciliation and healing processes (P6). Four interview questions were used to explore the objective of multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing: what were the hindrances to effective reconciliation and healing? How did you manage the challenges in the role of peace-building? What legacy has the MCZ left as far as reconciliation and healing is concerned? What justification is there that the intervention by MCZ was effective? Several themes emerged and are discussed individually below. Ineffective participation Two of the interviewees’ responses contributed to the theme of ineffective participation: People who were affected since early 1980s are still traumatised by the Gukurahundi (P1). The church has failed to come up with a clear cut and effective strategies in participation in the reconciliation and healing process (P3). Inadequacy of funding Inadequacy of funding and professional resources were identified by five of the participants as hurdles during the implementation of reconciliation and healing process: The resources were a challenge to run the programmes for peace-building initiatives, hence transport to get to rural areas was difficult (P3). It was not even enough either for institutions or individuals to be involved to the fuller extent (P4). As a result, some of the programmes were suspended, postponed or cancelled (P16). The church on its own was failing to come up with a sound budget towards peace-building (14). Lack of professional personnel One of the participants commented on lack of professional personnel: Church ministers acquired short-term lessons on counselling at college rather than problem specific (on conflict) circumstantially based counselling at United Theological College (P7). Fear of victimisation Fear of victimisation was an internal weakness of the church noted by five participants: The church was ever defeated with fear of the backlash occurring for ordinary members who had no legal protection after political prosecution (P2). The church were under 101 surveillance; as a result the church would cease carrying on (P4). Ministers and lay people who wanted to be involved in peace-building programmes failed to avail themselves due to fear of arrests (14). Since the church was afraid of being labelled an enemy of the state, it did not support those who were condemned for unjust acts. “Omunye u mfundisi waxayiswa yisonto ukuba ephikelela uzamiswa ukuba ngu mfundisi, ngoba eMCZ ukuthula yinxa kungela dlakela hatshi ukuxenga udlakela” (One of the ministers was told that if he continues he would be chucked out from the system) (P15). The church should reflect on Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906-1945) theology on the costly grace for the church has to embrace reconciliation to liberate the oppressed from all kinds of oppression fearlessly (P11). Lack of social justice desk Lack of a social justice desk was the other internal weakness identified by two participants: The church failed to engage the political parties face to face because it had no machinery to engage the warring parties. As a result there was no healing and reconciliation strategy as part of the church (P4). The church system was not effective and should set up a social justice desk rather than Christian Social Responsibility (P15). Lack of political will Lack of political will was a theme raised as an external challenge by four participants: “One day I was once told ‘Be careful when you get home because someone would be waiting for you at home’ … the thrust of surveillance was to intimidate all who preached about peace and against government’s acts of violence” (P1). According to P11, the government ignored the proposal for an independent body, Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). P15 pointed out that once ministers from Mufakose and Kambuzuma circuits who accommodated displaced people at their local churches were put under house arrest and the state claimed that these were not refugees. The church was working with NGOs … government was against the Church and civil society because both supported the victims of violence (P6) Poor government legislative reforms Five participants gave their views over the challenge of poor government legislative reforms: 102 All freedom of expression and gathering was threatened (P4). The POSA and AIPPA were the technical denial of government that there was no violence (P15). Without clearance for assembly, it was not easy due to POSA and AIPPA, to run peace-building programmes engaged by the church. (P10). Christian Alliance (CA) organised churches to come together for peace prayer gatherings in Highfields, Harare in 2006. Unfortunately attendants, opposition leaders and ministers were victimised and arrested by state agents and the police force (P12). The church resorted to preaching of peace within its confines of the church, in cell groups/class meetings/bible study fellowship meetings (P1). Divisions over partisan politics Divisions over partisan politics were discussed by two participants: The church at large is divided into denominations (P8). In churches like Mabelreing, Karoi, Kariba, Murehwa, sharp arguments among the members prevented sheltering victims of violence (P12). Lack of public counselling centres Five participants discussed the challenge of lack of counselling centres: Because of the level of conflict and application of POSA and AIPPA, national counselling centres were difficult to establish (P11), and due to financial constraints, the church could not institute public counselling centres (P7). The idea of public counselling centres is still pending while working with Msasa project (9), hence survivors had no way to pour out their traumatisation (P15). Counselling was done in local churches, manses or victims’ homes by ministers (P1). Absence of truth-telling Two participants commented on absence of truth-telling: In Zimbabwe, there was no room for public truth-telling, since there were no public counselling centres as well as institutionalisation of TRC and this was worsened by the enforcement of the AIPPA and POSA laws (P11). According to P14, police and government noted that it would cause havoc if truth-telling was given a chance. Legacy of church on peace-building Three of the participants reflected on the theme of the legacy of the church on peace- building: 103 “The church is there and never closed the shop, is back to roots where people are, ministers never gave up, though some died in the process” (P6). “We are a church that continues to advocate for peace and justice through preaching, healing, reconciliation, training, mediation and development” (P5). The church groomed leaders such as the late Vice-President J. Nkomo, who was humble and accepted a lesser role in politics to save Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. Also the first state president after independence Rev. Canaan Banana agreed to relinquish power to Mugabe and had a role to play in the 1987 Unity Accord in government between ZAPU and ZANU-PF, hence the church was involved in peace-building initiatives as an institution and as individuals (P16). 5.5 Summary Chapter Five has covered data analysis of both questionnaires and interviews using a sequential mixed methods approach. Overall, the questionnaire data presentation and analysis considered significant differences between variables of gender, status and training. Analysis of data confirmed three of the four objectives were well above the mean score of 3.0. There were challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing. Following an analysis of the questionnaires and interviews, themes were identified and presented. Key findings from questionnaires were that the church participated in peace-building as the conscience of the nation to fulfil its transformative role while forgiveness was at the centre. The church reached out to all levels of society as both perpetrators and victims needed reconciliation and healing. It approached the process through counselling in various forms, peace and prayer rallies that called for uniting the survivors, and peace and justice awareness promoted through workshop training. The church also worked together with civil society organisations as a team, but faced challenges including inadequacy of professional and financial resources; lack of political will, a social justice desk, public counselling centres, truth-telling, government legislative reforms; as well as fear of victimisation. From the interviews, key findings were that the church participated to reconcile survivors of political violence through advocacy for peace and justice across all levels of society. It engaged in a peace-building process through the following approaches: engaging leaders of opposing political parties, establishment of social service centres, provision of humanitarian needs, training workshops, counselling, religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings, memorial and burial services as well as communication by literature production. Notably, the church team worked with CSOs, but experienced challenges including inadequacy of funding, lack of professional personnel, lack 104 of political will, lack of a social justice desk, fear of victimisation, poor government legislative reforms, lack of public counselling centres and absence of truth-telling. Chapter Six that follows contains a discussion of research findings linking them to research theoretical framework, objectives, questions and hypothesis. 105 CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION OF RESULTS 6.1 Introduction This chapter is a discussion of research results on how the MCZ responded to reconciliation and healing as peace-building processes, the need for reconciliation and healing, understanding the extent to which civil society organisations collaborated with MCZ in the peace-building process and establishing the challenges faced by the MCZ while fostering reconciliation and healing in the way it understands the theology of the cross with respect to social sciences. The preceding chapter has presented the primary data collected through traditional research methodologies (quantitative and qualitative) approaches by questionnaires and interviews respectively. This was meant to acquire an overview of the role of the MCZ in its participation within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. As was discussed in Chapter Four, there are details on the process, rationale and thrust of the mixed methods design. The combination of the traditional research methodologies is, according to Morse and Maddix (2014), invaluable for the purposes of being more comprehensive and informative in responses to provide wider scope, density, detail and even increased validity. Creswell (2014) and Hesse-Biber (2010) claimed that this contributes to a more precise comprehension of a research problem and also provides triangulation, complementarity, development, initiation and expansion for research problem and results for the benefit of investigation. Chapter Two concentrated on the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s peace-building and in other surrounding countries and a comparative analysis was conducted. It also reflected on how the church was involved in reconciliation and healing through various processes, identified the need for reconciliation and healing as to promote peace and justice between perpetrators and victims of violence, established the CSOs that partnered with the church as they invested their expertise and resources in peace-building. Also, challenges experienced by peace-building actors were identified and outlined. Chapter Three focused on the theoretical framework (conflict transformation) as raised by various theorists, but the study ultimately adopted Lederach’s model of peace-building. Other principal theories discussed in the theoretical framework chapter were justice and reconciliation and healing, specifically reflecting on how they should be fostered during peace-building processes. Following the literature review, theoretical framework and an assurance of the reliability and validity of the measuring 106 instruments, there is a discussion of research results in this chapter. These explored academic arguments that prevailed by viewing results in light of the previous findings. This is a way of finding out the relevance of data to the research objectives, questions and hypothesis. As suggested by Teddlie and Tashakkori (2009), the results must be interpreted to give answers and develop a strong understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. This interpretation follows Creswell’s (2014) principles of explanatory sequential mixed methods design starting with questionnaire results, followed by the interview results and then considers how the latter results assist with explaining the former results more in-depth and with greater insight This discussion embraced comparison, contrasting, building on each other’s conclusion in as far as variables and concepts are concerned (Teddlie and Tashakkori, 2009). As has been alluded to earlier, triangulation of questionnaire and interview results and a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches, provides a more complete understanding of a research problem than either approach would have done alone. 6.2 Questionnaire results 6.2.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013 According to the descriptive statistical results in Chapter Five, the dependent variables showed that there was participation of MCZ with positive feedback, though in certain instances, the participation was marked by significant differences. Various dependent variables gave a picture of the participation of MCZ in peace-building. However, with regard to this theme, all agreed that the church had participated in the peace-building process. Comments from questionnaire analysis confirmed the church was involved in peace-building through several approaches in advocating against violation of human rights. According to Hallencreutz (1998), the church and civil society played a pivotal role to victims of violence. Also Dodo et al. (2014) confirmed that the church in its intervention used the traditional religious responsibility approach embracing advocacy, intermediary, observer and education. The Daily News (18 May 2003) reported that the church, through the ZCC, ZCBC and EFZ, held training to promote national healing and reconciliation. Muchena (2014) confirmed that MCZ was under ZCC hence it was also involved. The Herald (21 August 2010) confirmed that participation of churches was appreciated by the Vice-President John London Nkomo and that churches had played a continuous role in promoting peace, justice, tolerance and constitutional making processes to redress colonially inherited ideologies. 107 In terms of the theoretical framework, outlined in Chapter Three, Lederach (1997) established that engagement and dialogue build community and construct peace through the sharing of disturbing views, listening with trust and forgiving each other. There needs to be an opportunity for meeting and addressing previous wrongs, expressing traumatic experiences of loss, grief and anger that accompanies the pain and memory of injustices experienced. Acknowledgement of wrongs is the start of restoration of the person and relationships for a shared future. With regard to MCZ, the church participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its transformative role. The ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) established that churches had to participate in peace-building using various processes to restore broken relationships and heal spiritual and physical wounds. In this regard, MCZ adopted the methodologies for promoting reconciliation and healing as described by in Muchena (2004), Chitando (2013), Togarasei (2013) and Matikiti. (2014). ZCC is the religious mother body of MCZ, came to the scene to execute and it played an active role in peace and advocacy against all forms of violence that undermined human dignity of citizens. These were identified as rape, torture, arson, murder, destruction and deprivation of property, electoral irregularities, humanitarian aid shortages and restrictions. Findings by Munemo and Nciizah (2014) showed that church organisations called for conflict transformation by advocating for peace through capacitating the clergy and lay leaders by training them as they are able to influence prevention, management and meaningful reconciliation in the whole community against political conflict and violence. However, these views were enforced: The Daily News (2003) noted that workshops were held to train for peace-building awareness, training of trainers and counselling. Looking from the theoretical framework in Chapter Three, the church was well positioned to take a transformative role in training programmes. Comments by some of the respondents, as noted in Chapter Five, confirmed that MCZ fulfilled its duty through various advocacy programmes since playing a transformative role was at the centre of its mission. I was personally involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives. Others were involved from ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006); ZCC gave orders to its church affiliates some of which were adopted by MCZ. These orders included engaging political parties in peace dialogues, interdenominational exchange programmes to bring people together, fraternal meetings for church ministers to share methodologies for promoting healing and reconciliation or to work as individual denominations. As both denominations and individuals worked towards reconciliation and peace, public events contributing to peace-building included: prayer 108 breakfast gatherings, national days of prayer and other opening meetings where people would confess to their crimes. There was also use of printed material such as flyers, pamphlets, notices billboards and programmes on radio and television. It was agreed that forgiveness was at the centre of reconciliation and healing; it was established in Munemo and Nciizah (2014) that according to the doctrine of the church, forgiveness is also at the centre in promoting reconciliation and healing. Hence MCZ influenced the prevalence of forgiveness through religious reconciliatory sermons, teaching and prayers as noted by participants R8 and R112, counselling and intercessory prayers as established from findings of Banana (1991). Evidence from Green (2009) and Shriver (2002) also showed that forgiveness was one of the pillars in conflict transformation, as discussed in the theoretical framework in Chapter Three. In addition, The Daily News (22 June 2003) confirmed that churches prayed for the success of 1987 unity talks that centred on forgiveness, while The Herald (27 July 2009) reported on a three-day peace prayer process for the entire nation which was attended by leaders from various political divisions. Hallencreutz (1998) praised MCZ for urging forgiveness of RF and the proposed transitional government to accommodate British government and the PF to make a united government which was later endorsed in 1979 at peace talks in 1979, resulting in 1980 independence from white colonial rule. According to Hororo (2015), HOCD and churches assured national intervention through prayers for forgiveness, healing, reconciliation, peace and prosperity. Also the questionnaire analysis of respondents’ comments in Chapter Five confirmed the churches role in civic education and awareness with forgiveness at the centre of peace-building processes. All sources agreed that counselling was carried out in various forms by the church. As established in The Daily News (22 June 2003), the church participated in training programmes for counselling skills, resolution and management of conflict as initial processes of healing and reconciliation. Haider (2010) and the NANGO (2012) discovered that community-based healing processes were supported by civic society, traditional leaders and church through trauma counselling. The theoretical framework in Chapter Three confirmed that counselling initiatives are essential for therapeutic processes in PTSD to assist both victims and perpetrators of violence in forgiving each other and for each to be emotionally and psychologically healed. The church played a role in uniting survivors through various peace and prayer rallies. The Herald (27 July 2009) reported that churches held and attended a three-day peace prayer 109 commemoration in the presence of national political leaders as well as leaders of ONHRI. Findings by Sisulu et al. (2009) ascertained that one of MCZ ministers led the ZCA which worked together with SZC towards national peace prayer rallies. According to the findings by Chitando (2013), these religious acts of worship contributed to political dialogue as politicians were also invited for such gatherings. They were also meant for healing wounds, gaining strength, courage and perseverance during dark days of life. NANGO (2012) also established that the church was able to bring social transformation through the use of religious gatherings. Peace prayer rallies were used as a dominant approach by the church and other religious denominations for peace-building through related themes such as forgiveness, peace, healing and reconciliation. It was generally agreed that peace and justice awareness in workshop had taken place. Findings from the Daily News (22 June 2003) confirmed that UNDP funded the national healing and reconciliation training programmes run by religious bodies, namely EFZ, ZCC and ZCBC while Machinga (2012) commended the initiatives of the church and CSOs like Zimbabwe Christian Alliance and other Christian Organisations. Sisulu et al. (2009) established that ZCC ran training workshops for election monitors which were facilitated by an MCZ lay person member and who also led the ESS organisation that dealt with injustice, politics, economics, victims of HIV/AIDS and operations to restore order. From the questionnaire analysis in Chapter Five, it was established that training workshops on peace and justice were held. It has been identified that these were held before elections at all levels of society. This connects with what the theoretical framework proposed in Lederach (1997) and Paffenhoz (2013) i.e. that the task of the actors in peace-building should embrace problem-solving workshops training in conflict resolutions and peace commissions. As was identified in Chapter Five, most of the training was meant for those of influential positions and policy implementers who would link with all levels of the society. Consistence with peace initiatives was ever emphasised, whether there was violence or not, to impart knowledge and skills as participants were capacitated in various workshops. For example, the Trinity Methodist Church Society has members who had skills in Moral Rearmament which focuses on forgiveness, reconciliation and rebuilding persons. The most well agreed-to variable was that the church addressed the humanitarian needs of victims of violence: food, shelter and clothing. This is well addressed in the theoretical 110 framework in Chapter Three which notes that actors should provide all humanitarian aid to victims. Hallencreutz (1998) established that the church had met the humanitarian needs of the returning refugees from Mozambique and Botswana by offering Epworth commercial mission farm to be their settlement. In Banana (1991) and Muchena (2014), it has been discovered that the church had provided education in mission schools as well as the health centres. From the findings of ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006), the church ensured the handling of matters of refugees such as poverty, education and health. In addition, general comments in Chapter Five confirmed that humanitarian needs were met through church arms such as Christian Social Responsibility Committee and later by MeDRA in partnership with ZCC (R35, R99 and R44) Districts, circuits and societies became channels of humanitarian aid. Most hurt victims got medical attention from the church clinics though there were few centres. There was agreement that the church contributed to the following three items: schools were established without any form of discrimination, health service centres were instituted and vocational training centres were established. Findings by Banana (1991) established that the church also had other strategies for leadership development. This was through theological training for both the clergy and lay-people at UTC, vocational training centres, mission schools for primary and secondary education and health centres which also encompassed employment creation. 6.2.2 Need for reconciliation and healing The theoretical framework guidance in Chapter Three confirms that reconciliation has to restore trust, reinstate integrity and foster security within the individual, family, community and to a lager extent, interpersonal and social systems. Peace-building can be established through advocating for peace, truth, justice and mercy. Positive responses were evident across all three variables of gender, status and training. There is general agreement that both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing. Findings in Hallencreutz (1998), Haider (2010), The Herald (21 August 2010) and Bloomfield et al. (2003) confirmed that perpetrators and victims were both white and black, and that there was conflict between blacks and blacks with special reference to ethnic conflict between the Ndebele and Shona groups. Sachinyoka (2004) established that political supporters from ZANU-PF, ZAPU, MDC and other political parties contributed to cyclical political violence 111 through banning African political parties, unwarranted arrests, victimisation of supporters, destruction of infrastructure, sexual abuse, land grabbing, murder and atrocities. Findings in Dube (2006), Matikiti (2014) and Murambadoro (2015) confirmed that during the Gukurahundi era, ZANU and the government through military (5th Brigade) were perpetrators of political violence while the victims were ZIPRA and its supporters in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces where around 20 000 lives were lost. Victims suffered from trauma due to loss of relatives who were murdered, imposition of curfews, lack of access to medical care and food, beatings and torture, shallow graves for the murdered, rape, injury and destruction of properties. Findings of Haider (2010) describe how political conflict and violence necessitated a socio-economic crunch from 2000-2008 leading to scarcity of humanitarian needs which affected the majority of the citizens. There was an urgent need for psychological, emotional, spiritual redressing for the victims especially vulnerable groups of children and women who were sexually abused. In Matikiti (2014), from 2000 to 2008 elections MDC supporters and white commercial farmers were victims of political violence perpetrated by the army, war veterans, central intelligence, police and youth militia. Because of this, Hororo (2015) confirmed that terrorism was everywhere pervaded by various government perpetrators who used state propaganda, murder, arson, torture, sexual abuse, land and property grabbing that benefitted ZANU-PF chiefs and party supporters, security chiefs and civil servants. Around 4 500 white commercial farmers lost their fortunes and over 70 000-2.4 million people became stranded without shelter, food, health access, sanitation and education for children during the Murambatsvina operation. Hence reconciliation and healing was needed even before independence between whites and blacks, blacks and blacks, Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups. Machinga (2012) reported that in Manicaland province, the political violence of 2000, 2005 and 2008 led to 4 343 victims, who were sexually abused, murdered, abducted, tortured, displaced or lost property. Thus, the needs of almost 5 550 grassroots survivors were met by ZCA and other Christian organisations. There were programmes for community dialogue meetings for healing memories and responding to emotional, spiritual, physical and sociological needs. Findings from Haider (2010) confirmed that socio-economic structures were negatively affected, creating a scarcity of humanitarian needs such as food, shelter, water and poor service delivery. Because of this, redressing of psychological, emotional, and spiritual challenges was 112 desperately needed for vulnerable groups of women and children in particular. The Herald (21 August 2010) confirmed that the church’s role in promoting peace, tolerance, unity and participation in constitution making process was of paramount importance as it was addressing the colonially inherited ideologies that were not favorable for the nation’s development. In Chitando and Manyoganise (2011) claimed the need for humanitarian aid was critical after the effects of Murambatsvina in 2005-2008. Bloomfield et al. (2003) confirm that Zimbabwean crises needed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, such as the one in South Africa, to deal with all violations of human rights. According to the findings from Eppel (2004), conflict transformation required restorative measures such as reburial for mass graves, an implementation of local justice like for Rwanda, rebuilding of destroyed homes, psychological rehabilitation, cleansing ceremonies and memorialisation as in Sierra Leone. Denis (2011) and Staub (2006) confirmed that efforts were needed for reconciliation and healing such as in South Africa and Rwanda. All have agreed that MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders. Empirical evidence for reaching out to political figures is confirmed in research by Dodo et al. (2014) that through intermediaries, the church leaders mediated peace agreements. Also the ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) established that the church engaged political parties in dialogue as the Ecumenical for Religious Bodies (ERB) presented a document to the government claiming that the nation lacked shared national vision, political tolerance, a home-grown democratic constitution, better economic policies, accountability and proper forms of land redistribution, hence suffered from international isolation. The Herald (2008) confirmed that church engaged with national political figures for peace negotiations. Approaches to peace-building as described in Chapter Three (theoretical framework) stress that the top leadership military/ political/ religious leaders must be seen engaging each other. Government legislative reforms are enabled by negotiations to stop violence and calls for democracy. Hallencreutz (1998) established that the MCZ conference of 1998 urged forgiveness of RF and proposed transitional government to accommodate the British government and the PF for unity in government which was endorsed in 1979 at the Lancaster House peace talks. As a result, in 1980 there was Zimbabwean independence from white minority rule. The MCZ was seen collaborating with ERBs and HOCD, engaging with national political leadership as evidenced by findings Muchena (2004) who claimed that in 1995 and 1996, ERB wrote pastoral letters to the government to restore the rule of law, respect court orders and rebuilding the economy 113 while in 2003, HOCD engaged Tsvangirayi and Mugabe for MDC and ZANU-PF respectively, to initiate reconciliation, but Mugabe turned this down. They also engaged with SADC political leaders, local churches and ordinary church members for peace-building. The Herald (2008) and 19 November 2009) confirmed that churches engaged and pressured ZANU PF, MDC-T and MDC-M to form an inclusive government which gave birth to the Government of National Unity in September 2008. The Ecumenical Religious Bodies further engaged the government to resolve constitutional challenges embracing labour, private sectors, media and national institutions. The Standard of Zimbabwe (28 September – 4 October 2008) reported that the churches and human rights advocacy proposed transitional justice like in South Africa and throughout the country, the structures to run reconciliation and healing processes were prepared. Respondents agreed that peace-building initiatives reached out to grassroots level. The Daily News (22 June 2003) confirmed that the church had targeted all levels of society including politicians, church leaders, civic society and grassroots at large for peace-building initiatives. Dodo et al. (2014) established that the Roman Catholic Church and other Christian denominations ran awareness programmes in civic education, training of human rights and other basic social and political matters. Findings from Machinga (2012) showed that church organisations reached out to grassroots and assisted around 5 550 survivors through community healing dialogue meetings and healing memories. As reported in The Daily News (22 June 2003) and by Chitando (2013), national prayer rallies were held at public and private gatherings based on peace, justice, unity, reconciliation, healing and forgiveness and were attended by people from all levels of society. The theoretical framework used in this study proposes that peace-building at grassroots level is essential and should involve training, reducing prejudice as well as offering psychosocial support in cases of postwar trauma. Working at the grassroots level can be seen as a participatory bottom-up approach which is good for strengthening capacities of societies to peacefully resolve disputes, develop trust, safety and social cohesion within and between communities while promoting inter-ethnic and inter-group dialogue. It was generally agreed that survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress disorder. Research by Staub (2006) discovered that victims suffering from PTSD feel vulnerable as they lose trust in society and even perpetrators who participated in mass killings are traumatised and 114 need psychological therapy. NANGO (2012) confirmed that the church and civil society organisations worked with trauma counselling to bring about psychological healing. The need for psychotherapy for PTSD is discussed in this study’s framework in Chapter Three. Counselling is for resolving conflict based on restoring love and unity between enemies. As established by Weaver et al. (2003), PTSD requires special attention which may be provided by clergy and the religious community to heal the traumatic experience. Healthy social relationships are important. Although these relationships had been addressed to some extent, Sachinyoka (2004) claimed that there was little justice or compensation in either the white or black community over land disputes. Bloomfield et al. (2003) confirmed that the struggle between ethnic groups (Ndebele and Shona) since the mid-nineteenth century were never adequately resolved to top-down approaches to peace-building initiatives. Physical healing was another important element. Machinga (2012) established that healing involves diversified areas such as healing of memories, emotional, spiritual, physical and social. In terms of physical healing, Banana (1991) reported that health centres were opened for the affected though only very few. Data in Chapter Five confirms that the church offered free medical attention from its clinics for those who had been physically hurt. 6.2.3 Civil society organisations that worked together with MCZ in peace-building Notably, it has been agreed that a number of CSOs came forth for coalition with the MCZ in the process of peace-building. Findings in Chapter Five based on respondents’ comments confirmed the importance of ‘team work’. The church partnered with ERBs such as ZCC, ZCBC, EFZ and other religious organisations as well as civic society pressure groups which initiated bottom-up approaches. Findings by Sisulu et al. (2009) confirmed that civil society and churches worked together for the common goal through workshop training and providing election monitors. Muchena (2004) showed that Ecumenical of Religious Bodies (ZCBC, ZCC and EFZ) represented many church organisations, for example, mainline churches such as United Methodist, Anglican, MCZ, among others, were members of ZCC. Muchena (2004) also established that one of the religious groups, HOCD, of which MCZ was a member, effectively participated in peace-building. From a media perspective, The Daily News (22 June 2003) confirmed that NGOs as well as CSOs were working together with religious bodies (ZCBC, ZCC and EFZ) to promote national healing and reconciliation programmes at middle 115 and grassroots levels. So many CSOs showcased their various forms of assistance with the church to help in the Zimbabwean crisis so this is discussed as a separate item in the paragraph below. Findings from various sources confirmed that civil society organisations played a significant role with MCZ. Hallencreutz (1998) confirmed that they joined hands with the church on humanitarian grounds such as helping refugees through financial support. Sisulu et al. (2009) noted that the ZCC offered training workshops for election monitors with ZINASU, WOZA, WC, ZESN, NCA, ZCTU, ZHRF and ZNPC. Machinga (2012) described how ZCA and the church reached out to grassroots survivors. Murambadoro (2015) established that during the 2000, 2005 and 2008 violence in Matabeleland, RCI and CSU offered food, shelter, medical care, psychological therapy and social support for reburial. Hororo (2015) established that regional pressure groups fought together with the church against injustices. Haider (2010) established that 70 CSOs, together with church representatives, met in SA to advocate for a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission though this was declined by the Zimbabwean government. In addition, civic, church, traditional, business community bodies assisted with memorials and exhumations exercises and facilitation of dialogue between perpetrators and victims. As indicated in Chapter Three, peace-building requires team work and the church actively worked with various CSOs and other Ecumenical Religious Bodies. 6.2.4 Multiple challenges faced by the MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing. There was some disagreement as to whether the church had become a product of colonial legacy. The theme on ‘maintaining colonial legacy’ was identified in Chapter Five. It appeared to some that colonial legacy was maintained through the church’s liturgy in hymnbooks which promoted the perpetrators and as a result the church failed to challenge offenders. But the Herald (2013), maintained that the church did not remain quiet during 2013: it harmonised election processes in the face of violence, rebuked and condemned acts of violence through a programme called Ecumenical Peace Observation Initiative (EPOI). There was unanimous agreement that funding was inadequate. It was also confirmed in Chapter Five that due to unsustainable funding some of the programmes were postponed, suspended or cancelled. Findings by Muchena (2004) pointed out that the entire religious community was affected by lack of enough resources. Dube and Makwerera (2012) confirmed that lack of moral 116 and financial support from the government to run the programmes was a major drawback. According to Haider (2010), compensation of the victims failed due to financial crises which were influenced by lack of political will. Funding was needed to rebuild and restock the homes that had been destroyed, for scholarships for vulnerable children, for equity in redistribution of land and for compensating for loss of property. Most agreed that internal divisions over partisan politics were a challenge. Matikiti (2014) claimed that the church could not effectively carry out the role of peace-building due to partisan politics. This was worsened by the divide and rule policy of the government. There were divisions between mainline churches and Pentecostal churches; as a result the church’s focus was redirected to attacking each other rather than putting in efforts for advocacy for peace and justice. In Munemo and Nciizah (2014), partisanship was exposed as Independent African Initiated Churches threw their weight behind Robert Mugabe while the ERB identified itself with the opposition and the oppressed. The other wing of the church which was against lack of social justice was viewed as an enemy of the state, hence was not given space to carry out reconciliation and healing programmes. As indicated in Chapter Five, regarding the theme of ‘division over partisan politics’, the church had members in opposition political parties, hence any peace-building related programme was condemned as having a regime change agenda. Also the Zimbabwean church denominations were split along political lines; some wanted to support the government while others supported the opposition. There was general agreement regarding a lack of political will. This was confirmed by the results of the questionnaire analysis in Chapter Five. Participant R53 felt that the government had never been interested in carrying out proper reconciliation and healing programmes, R119 noted that the proposal to effect TRC was rejected by the government, R74 pointed out that any church denomination or religious organisation or CSOs criticising the political violence became victimised, hence political will was clearly lacking in Zimbabwe to support peace- building initiatives. Still on the issue of lack of political will, Haider’s (2010) findings established that CSOs called for transitional justice mechanisms to be effected, but government did not cooperate; perpetrators of violence often could not stand for trials due to old age, some had died and the passage of time overshadowed the culprits. Murambadoro (2015) and Hororo (2015) identified that intense surveillance led to ineffective operations of the church which was grappling with 117 fear. Reports from the fact-finding Chihambakwe and Dumbutshena Commissions of 1980s atrocities were not published by the government because truth disclosure was seen as a betrayal of the government and ZANU-PF (ruling party); this was a violation of human rights leading to condemnation by the international community. Furthermore, Hororo (2015) pointed out that after the successive defeating elections in 2000, 2003, 2005 and 2008, ZANU-PF declined to concede power to MDC-T and in 2008 prepared for war by importing arms from China. When GPA developed ONHRI, it mandated NPRC to run the national healing and reconciliation exclusive of the church despite it being a neutral entity that was willing to facilitate peace- building programmes, which indicated there was no political will at all. In terms of the lack of public counselling centres, there was general agreement. The Standard of Zimbabwe (28 September - 4 October 2008) reported that the church and civil society had established the structures to run healing processes similar to those of the South African TRC, immediately after GNU of 2009. Dube and Makwerera (2012) also noted that the role of engaging victims and perpetrators by peace-building actors was shot down as infrastructure’s operations lacked the national mandate as well as moral and financial support from political authorities. This undermined the function of a public counselling centre which was an essential tool for counselling traumatised people as proposed by R173. R140 identified that lack of skilled counsellors meant that some survivors with post-traumatic stress disorder were not attended to. In addition, the lack of public counselling centres was worsened by poor government legislative reforms as in Machakanja (2010). The agenda of the MCZ conference in 2005 proposed that counselling centers should be set up throughout all districts to enable the church to deal with various issues that affected people. However, MCZ (2013) conference agenda noted the same issue of setting up public counselling and healing centres; evidently nothing had been done and this issue resurfaced after eight years. The MCZ (2013) minutes of the conference confirmed that the church had failed in this regard due to lack of financial resources and lack of political will. Survivors, especially in rural areas, could not find where they could come for counselling or to meet and share experiences. The challenge of the lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ personnel was also raised. In the view of R140, the lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ had led many survivors with post-traumatic stress disorder remaining unattended to. This was also highlighted in the findings of NANGO (2012): ministers of this era were not professionally equipped for handling effects of political violence such as psychological therapy of both survivors and perpetrators, 118 hence the need for developing these skills. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) noted that the church should be responsible for conflict transformation in society by training pastors and lay people to acquire skills for peace-building processes which includes counselling expertise. As established by Machinga (2012), many unskilled pastors were involved in counselling traumatised survivors. The crisis of skilled personnel is reflected in the report by the Daily News (22 June 2003) that the church participated in training programmes for counselling skills, resolution and management of conflict in order to support processes of healing and reconciliation. This was a positive move but the church was reacting rather than being proactive. Respondents agreed that there was insufficient education for reconciliation and healing and truth telling. As pointed out by R91 since truth-telling was lacking in the Zimbabwean situation, healing and reconciliation need a new dimension to bring together the wounded and the perpetrators so that relationships can be rebuilt among blood relatives, church members and the entire community. With regard to this matter of truth-telling, Haider (2010) and Murambadoro (2015) established that truth-telling was meant to promote reconciliation and healing after acknowledgment, apology, reburial of mass graves and establishment of memorial sites and museums; hence history can be celebrated and pain eased after facilitation of dialogue between perpetrators and victims. Murambadoro (2015) confirmed that intense surveillance of actors of peace-building led to ineffective operations to disclose the truth. Findings from MCZ (1996) minutes of conference established that awareness workshop training in peace-building was held at various levels of the church. What was then missing was implementation of the system of a TRC due to lack of political will and enforcement of draconian laws of AIPPA and POSA. The TRC system is connected to truth-telling, without a TRC, truth-telling was restricted. As described in the theoretical framework in Chapter Three, truth-telling entails exchange of truths openly which assures justice, promotes social and psychological healing, fosters reconciliation and deters recurring violence. There were mixed reactions regarding the supportiveness or lack thereof from CSOs. Those who felt CSOs did not support the church in peace-building initiatives suggested this was because the support was limited due to lack of government legislative reforms. As established in Sisulu et al. (2009), civil society was further threatened by the Non-Governmental Organisations Bill passed through Parliament in August 2005. This led to withdrawal of any kind of assistance as identified in the MCZ (2013) agenda of conference which noted that many 119 international donors had withdrawn their support due to the unfriendly political atmosphere. Furthermore, Machakanja (2010) discovered that draconian laws like AIPPA and POSA hampered peace-building initiatives by the church and CSO in Zimbabwe by prohibiting freedom of speech and assembly. The enforcement was intensified by surveillance over the actors as recorded by Murambadoro (2015). Despite the issue of unfriendly political terrain, Haider (2010), Hororo (2015) and Muchena (2004) established that CSOs played a positive role together with the church in reconciliation and healing processes. There was ambivalence regarding whether government legislative reforms were poor. ZCC, ZCBC and EFZ (2006) established that the existence of contentious laws: the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) which effectively barred freedom of assembly, expression and access to media and hampered peace-building initiatives for church and CSOs, as in the findings of Machakanja (2010). Findings of Sisulu et al. (2009) confirmed that restrictive legislation created an environment difficult for proper functioning of civil society, preventing the holding of meetings without police clearance and generally denying Zimbabweans basic freedoms of assembly, speech and association. There was Apartheid-like legislation such as POSA, AIPPA and BSA which closed down media space. In addition to closing down newspapers (including the bombing of printing presses), there were attacks on journalists and independent media stakeholders. Participants such as R15 noted that the government had imposed restrictive measures against freedom of assembly, expression and media which made it difficult for programmes to run smoothly. It was not easy for the churches to be granted dispensation for public assembly or media publications by police. R53 said that repressive laws were instituted by the government and ministers of religion who were famous for being critics of the government’s injustices were arrested in Bulawayo in 2007 over the issue of public gathering. Gifford (2002) established that lack of democratisation leads to security structures becoming partisan, corrupt tendencies from the government, elimination of opponents, no freedom of expression, torturing, property destruction, electoral irregularities and the collapse of social institutions. It was established that fear of victimisation affected the church badly in terms of trying to be effective in its ministry of reconciliation and healing; because of fear of being associated with the opposition political parties, the church failed to intervene for peace, especially during the Gukurahundi period, hence it took a backstage position (R99 and R122). With regard to fear, 120 findings from Banana (1996) and Dube (2006) showed that MCZ and other churches in general, grappled with fear due the 1980s violence while Matikiti (2014) confirmed that Zimbabwean churches, except ZCBC, failed in their roles due to fear and identity crisis of association with former colonial regime. Dube (2006), Chitando (2013) and Matikiti (2014) established that only ZCBC stood up against all injustices fearlessly with pastoral letters; the MCZ would hide and write pastoral letters collectively through ZCC and HOCD. The MCZ (2006) minutes of conference confirmed there was fear within the church, seen through exclusion of ministers to serve in private sectors such like Christian Alliance Organisation for peace-building. With regard to the theology of silence from a religious perspective, participants R77, R209, R4 and R30 claimed that the church had been silent, hiding and negating its role; they felt it could have been more vocal, visible and pragmatic in challenging all forms of human rights abuses during or after political violence. These findings were also confirmed by NANGO (2012) that the church was gripped with docility and a non-interference attitude in the face of political violence. Banana (1991) accused the church of being comfortable with the theology of silence, of lacking the theology of condemning, confrontation, redemption and protest, hence rendering itself ineffective. According to Matikiti (2014), all denominational churches except ZCBZ lacked advocacy statements against the government’s abusive actions of human rights. Dube (2006), Chitando (2013) and Matikiti (2014) criticised MCZ for failing to be like ZCBC which sent pastoral letters to give hope in a hopeless situation and to give strength to act towards peace-building. Participants R82 and R211 commented on the lack of a social justice desk within the church. This could effectively strengthen the organisation’s role in reconciliation and it would have been ideal if the church was able to appoint an officer in charge of healing and reconciliation. Sources from MCZ (1996) confirmed that the organisation lacked the mechanisms to establish facts over atrocities during 1980s. Findings of Matikiti (2014) encouraged Zimbabwean churches to develop relevant systems to buttress unjust government systems. Banana (1996) also confirmed that the Methodist church in Zimbabwe lacked practicality, became silent and lacked the machinery to establish facts on atrocities. 121 6.3 Interview results Qualitative data were gathered from 16 interviewees, which comprised ministers and lay people, five females and 11 males, as noted in Chapter Four. The sized sample provided sufficient data for responding to research objectives and questions regarding the participation of MCZ in peace-building without bias. Findings of qualitative results in this phase of study revealed how the church had participated, the need for reconciliation and healing, which CSOs had worked with the church, challenges encountered by the church in peace-building and the recommendations that emerged from the interviews. Also several themes emerged in the process of interview analysis which are discussed here. The qualitative data results were of great value, as has been alluded to by Ivankova et al. (2006): qualitative results in a mixed approach can help to refine and explains statistical results by exploring well elaborated views from respondents. 6.3.1 Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013 6.3.1.1 Effective participation The study results presented the involvement of the church in reconciliation and healing as its mandated role in society. P1, P15 and P6 acknowledged MCZ engaged with all people within the community to bring them together for the purposes of healing wounds through various methodologies towards reconciliation and healing as it strived to promote social justice. Findings by Munemo and Nciizah (2014) identified religious organisations ZCC, EFZ and ZCBC as advocating for human rights against repression and intolerance and fighting for democracy to establish peace, unity and healing of the wounds. Similarly, Banana (1991) and Hallencreutz (1998) confirmed the church had been involved in negotiations for the UA between ZANU-PF and PF ZAPU in 1987 and had influenced forgiveness between the Rhodesian Front and Patriotic Front towards establishing a proposed transitional government for peace and stability in the country. According to ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and Muchena (2004), the church was responsible for social support services in various forms before and after independence and made efforts to address issues on social justice. Minutes of the MCZ (1980, 1981 and 1996) confirmed that the church influenced peace and unity for the success of LH peace talks as well as the attainment of 1980 independence, which was commendable as reported by the Herald (21 August 2010). 122 6.3.1.2 Conceptualisation of reconciliation The conceptualisation of reconciliation and healing is biblically based on the theology of the cross from religious perspectives. P14 and P4 confirmed that it is the duty of church to bring estranged parties into co-existence through emphasis on forgiveness and meeting the needs of the underprivileged which is, in effect, advocacy for liberating the suffering. Liberation theology, as described by Matikiti (2012), is thus an approach to change a society without social justice, democracy, equality and peace due to social, economic and political oppression. However, the process of addressing the alleged sources of injustices needs intervention with principles of reconciliation, forgiveness and healing which are the variables of the cross. This would have been how the MCZ as a church understood the concept of reconciliation and healing after political violence within a particular community in view of social sciences: According to Bonhoeffer (1988) churches are the bearers of the reconciliation and redeeming word for humanity and for the world in which the church get into peace-building process upholding this responsibility. Findings in ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) confirmed that the church was involved in peace- building as an act of transforming Zimbabwe for the better through teaching and preaching the gospel of abundant life (John 10:10). Hence reconciliation and healing were to be understood through advocacy against political violence through various approaches. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) and minutes of MCZ (1988) established that the church has to contribute to reconciliation and healing, to be practical, as it emulated the TRC of South Africa centred on confession and forgiveness. 6.3.1.3 Engagement leaders of opposing political parties With regard to engagement leaders of opposing political parties, research results showed that there was engagement with different faces with the goal of resolving differences leading to political conflict and violence. According to P10, P9 and P7, engagement was carried out by the church. Findings by Muchena (2004) established that RCC and ZCC leaders attended the LHCC of 1979 in London for peace talks which gave birth to 1980 independence. ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) highlighted that as the nation was faced with multiple challenges that undermined human rights of the citizens, the church engaged the political parties for dialogue and presented the document ‘The Zimbabwe that we want’ as a road map towards peace- building, basically advocating for the TRC as in South Africa. 123 The Herald (2008), the Standard of Zimbabwe (28 September – 4 October 2008) and Hororo (2015) reported on the church’s engagement with politicians: Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF, Morgan Tsvangirayi and Author Mutambara of MDC, as well as SADC for peace negotiations which gave birth to GNU of 2009. Chitando (2013) confirmed that ZCBC held political dialogue with concerned political parties to promote tolerance among communities encouraging them to live together in harmony. The Herald (6 May 2009) reported on engagement of government by Ecumenical Religious Body for resolving constitutional challenges embracing labour, the private sector, media and national institutions. Haider (2010) described how dialogue between perpetrators and victims was facilitated by the church. The minutes of MCZ (2002) report engagement of politicians by invitation of the church in the MCZ conference of 2002. This resulted in the church being encouraged to lead the nation towards moral uprightness and promising to provide pastoral oversight to politicians in government especially those in parliament and the cabinet while the government was encouraged to observe and respect social justice matters. 6.3.1.4 Establishment of social services centres With regard to strategies of fostering peace-building, interviewees highlighted establishment of social services centres in support of the need in society. P1, P4, P7, P8 and P13 mentioned these being linked to mission schools, tertiary institutions and health services. The study results are reinforced by findings of Banana (1991) that the MCZ promised to work with the state towards peace and unity through leadership development in the education system at primary, secondary and tertiary levels. Both learning and employment opportunities can be linked to health services as well as education services. Muchena (2004) noted that key nationalists had been educated at mission schools with a strong religious and moral ethos. The MCZ (2008) minutes of the conference noted that the church used various approaches to help with healing victims of violence including providing clinics. Besides learning institutions’ provision of academic and professional qualifications, buildings (school halls and church halls) were also used for training purposes and sheltering of the victims as they were seen as neutral venues. 6.3.1.5 Provision of humanitarian needs Data generated showed that the church contributed to humanitarian crisis assistance for victims of violence. This was in accord with the theoretical framework in Chapter Three – peace- building programmes should work towards reintegration of refugees and social rehabilitation 124 from grassroots level (a bottom-up approach). P3, P4, P5 and P16 confirmed that the church has assisted with humanitarian needs. ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and Murambadoro (2015) affirmed that the church and CSOs helped with handling refugees. Findings by Halleencreutz (1998) and minutes of MCZ (1988) confirmed that MCZ met the humanitarian needs for the returning refugees from Mozambique and Botswana and were offered Epworth commercial mission farm for settlement. NANGO (2012) also confirmed that the Catholic Church in Mbare in Harare and other church denominations in Matabeleland, together with Christian Alliance, provided shelter, clothing and food for victims of political violence of Murambatsvina of 2005 and the presidential elections run-off of 2008. Findings in Machinga (2012) also show that Christian organisations reached out the grassroots level and assisted around 5 550 survivors with sociological human needs in Manicaland province. The MCZ (2000) minutes of Kadoma District Synod recorded the giving of assistance (providing blankets and food and raising funds) to the victims of Murambatsvina. The MCZ (2005) agenda for conference of 2005, showed statistics of family victims of Murambatsvina who were assisted with basic needs in three districts: Harare 339, Bulawayo 106 and Gokwe/Kadoma 70. The MCZ (2013) minutes of conference noted provision of food security, refugee programmes, water and sanitation programmes had impacted on many lives. In the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, churches and halls were used to shelter the victims in all districts and societies. The MCZ (2005) agenda of the 2005 conference confirmed that local churches should shelter victims and this was accepted in Harare (Kambuzuma, Mufakose), Hangwe (central church), Masvingo (Mucheke) and Mutare (St. Andrews). Additionally, victims were provided with food, soaps, sanitary wear, clothes, blankets, medical help, financial support, transport, educational support for children and rehabilitation of destroyed properties and shelter. In the MCZ (2011) as well as MCZ (2013) agenda of the annual conference it was confirmed that a consignment of medical material for MCZ clinics was used for victims. In addition, Christian Care distributed 13 973.50mt of food to 268 872 people throughout eight districts in refugee camps like Tongogara and in Manicaland. Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) confirmed that almost all faith-based organisations attended to humanitarian needs through counselling, sheltering, food, clothing, health service and educational needs to those who had suffered from the effects of political violence. 125 6.3.1.6 Training workshops Training workshops were noted as a key peace-building initiative in the church, as was reflected by interviewees P1, P4 and P11 who described how the church carried out training programmes such as human rights education, peace-building seminars and peer education programmes to address issues of violence. In accordance with the theoretical framework in Chapter Three, there were problem-solving workshops, training in conflict resolution as well as training at grassroots level. Results have identified that education is key to conflict transformation as it enlightens and creates a platform for sharing and developing non-violent mechanisms in advocacy and mediation. Training workshops, as were carried out in eight districts, have value for human capacity building in conveying ideas and eliciting local participation and knowledge to implement processes and enable agents to manage conflict within their context. Ncube (2014) confirmed that training builds a culture of peace, altering or shifting attitudes to conflict, transforming structural causes and effects of conflict, conducting conflict-sensitive social-cohesion building as well as mediating and facilitating state-society relations. These findings are supported by many studies that took place in South Africa. Denis (2001), for example, reported on peace-building workshops in South Africa targeting survivors of Apartheid. Dodo et al. (2014) confirmed the importance of education in discouraging violence, corruption and violation of human rights. Studies of Murambadoro (2015) highlighted the importance of voter education, developing skills in political tolerance and non-violence conflict resolution mechanisms. The Daily News (22 June 2003) reported that church leaders worked at grassroots level to teach counselling skills on conflict resolution and management to politicians, civic society and church members. NANGO (2012) established that the church facilitated training on national reconciliation and healing through a participatory approach for preventing violence and creating peace and justice. The targeted participants were church bishops, ministers, youths and women as well as a local multi-stakeholder peace committee. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) confirmed that the church worked on conflict transformation by training ministers and lay people to become knowledgeable in prevention, management, peace- building and effective reconciliation. As established from MCZ (1996), MCZ (2008), MCZ (2012) and MCZ (2013) minutes of the annual MCZ conference, peace-building training initiatives worked with training of trainers for both lay people and ministers including non-Methodists, as well as a constitutional awareness 126 process and holistic preaching and training for counselling skills to assist ministers who were few in number for this particular process. MeDRA and MPCA championed an awareness campaign on the importance of civic society participation in the democratic process throughout the districts with three thematic areas, namely livelihoods, water sanitation and hygiene, and social justice. The programmes were attended by about 90 participants from all districts. Sisulu et al. (2009) confirmed that workshops were coordinated by ZCC and other CSOs. 6.3.1.7 Counselling In the role of MCZ in healing, this process was associated with counselling since this would address the psychological disorders as alluded by Isakson (2008), Botcharova (2002), Ohlschlager (2011) and Mehraby (2002). However, counselling has been undertaken from social sciences perspective as it is also critical for victims to reconcile to themselves and the society. The study results as shared by P4, P5, P9, P10 and P16 confirmed that the counselling approach to peace-building was part of the church’s way of bringing therapy to survivors suffering from PSTD following the loss of beloved ones, property or human dignity. Ministers and a few lay people reached out to both perpetrators and victims, promoting forgiveness and providing education With regard to the theoretical framework, counselling is one of the pillars in peace- building processes which can help victims suffering from psychological trauma to recover from unforgettable experiences. Counselling can lead to reconciliation and healing if political violence survivors are assisted to accept and forgive each other. As established in Weaver et al. (2003) and Worthington (2002), counselling can be handled by clergy and religious community professionals. P13 highlighted that counselling was even done privately. Findings by Haider (2010) confirmed that counselling as a victim-centred approach was needed to address psychological, emotional and spiritual needs and in that respect, NANGO (2012) established that the church and CSOs offered trauma counselling for individuals and community healing sessions for survivors who had become suicidal during the 2008 elections violence. Considered vital for peace-building initiatives, counselling is part of an MCZ minister’s job (they get basic counselling skill at UTC). In the MCZ (2005) agenda of the conference, the church proposed establishing counselling centres in all districts to enable the church to deal with various issues that were affecting people. 127 The MCZ (2008a) minutes of Harare West District Synod established that counselling programmes were done through pastoral home and hospital visitations, at church offices, class meetings/fellowship bible studies, and preaching sermons in the church, public gatherings like funeral or memorial services. The MCZ (2008b) minutes of the conference confirmed that counselling was offered to both perpetrators and victims through joint community projects. 6.3.1.8 Religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings As has been observed through and through in this research that this is the social science study on the role of the MCZ in peace building, as a religious organisation it carried out healing as it execute spiritual and ritual activities. Isakson 92008) and Machinga (2012) confirmed that religious activities help the survivors to experience healing from PTSD, anxiety, grief, depression and all sorts of psychological disorders as they get into participating in worshipping acts. Peace prayer rallies, preaching and prayers focused on social transformation can be regarded as contributing to peace-building. Results of the study have observed the significance of the religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings noted by P3, P6 and P13 such as sermons, teachings and prayers. The study results are confirmed by Ncube (2014): peace prayer rallies, peace road shows, sports for peace galas and clean-up campaigns were programmes that effectively united participants to bridge political polarisation of negative labels such as ‘violent ZANU-PF thugs and violent Green Bombers’ or ‘MDC sell outs’ or ‘Western puppets’ which would often lead to physical violence. Chitando’s (2013) findings confirmed that peace prayer rallies were meant to heal wounds and encourage the nation to uphold forgiveness. Matikiti (2004) and the Daily News of Sunday (18 May 2003) claimed that intervention by the church is evident in advocating for peace, justice and reconciliation through religious services. The MCZ (1988) and (1996) minutes of the conference confirm that the religious approach of preaching and teaching about reconciliation, peace, justice and unity were effective in peace- building. The MCZ (2008a) minutes of the Synod of Harare West reinforced preaching, education and teaching about forgiveness in the church and public platforms as a way of rebuking perpetrators of violence. The MCZ (2009) conference acknowledged that MCZ and other fraternal churches participated in national peace prayer rallies at public and private gatherings for effective 128 implementation of 2009 GNU resolutions and recommendations. Similarly, the Herald (1987) confirmed that churches prayed for the success of the 1987 unity talks between ZANU and ZAPU as they were on the verge of collapse while the Herald (6 May 2009) and Hororo (2015) established that churches held and attended the three-day peace prayer commemoration in the presence of national political leaders as well as leaders of ONHRI. The church assured followers that national intervention through prayers for forgiveness, healing, reconciliation, peace and prosperity would yield unity and development. Research by Chitando (2013) stated that many churches participated in prayer rallies for the healing of wounds, gaining strength, courage and perseverance. This was similar to the findings of Gifford (2002) regarding a case of Liberia-National’s week of prayer where the church condemned the abuse of human rights, signed for the withdrawal of draconian bill against government critics, established schools and health centres, preached against corrupt tendencies and promoted justice. Doorn (2011) discovered that forgiveness is a religious trait necessary for reconciliation. In addition, the church initiated peace prayer rallies as a way to impart the teaching of forgiveness in the belief that reconciliation and healing would be easy to be achieved after an in-depth understanding. 6.3.1.9 Memorial and reburial services The study results by P4 and P11 portrayed worship service for remembering the deceased and reburial from massive burial of victims of political violence as an approach that could enforce the healing process. The theoretical framework embraces the culture of reburials based on bringing back the spirits of the dead to the families, which makes victims feel relieved, happy and healed. Findings by NANGO (2012) confirmed the church worked together with the ONHRI for memorial events where aggrieved parties could undergo spiritual and moral transformation. Haider (2010) and Murambadoro (2015 agreed that exhumation exercises, reburials and memorials had taken place and were helpful. Ncube (2014) established that victims of the violent 2008 elections were assisted to mourn the deceased through proper re- burials and by erecting the tombstones they had once been denied in the midst of political violence. At the same time, traditional leaders carried out community ritual cleansing ceremonies and helped to rebuild burnt homes. 129 6.3.1.10 Communication by literature production Study results have shown that the church conveyed its message for reinforcing peace-building through communication by literature. P3 and P14 described how the church wrote pastoral letters, documents and the selling of written material focusing on peace-building. Findings of Gifford (2009) confirmed the case of instability in Kenya whereby pastoral letter writing was an essential form of engaging the political leaders for building the bridges between people separated by conflict and giving hope to the hopeless. Similarly, in Zimbabwe, study findings of Banana (1996), Gundani (2004), Dube (2006), the ZCBC, EZF and ZCC (2006) and Chitando (2013) confirmed the role of the church in addressing matters on social justice through pastoral letters to the Christian community as well as to the government. Giving hope to the nation and rebuking the government to desist from violating human rights were important. Pastoral letters were mostly issued by ZCBC and ZCC. Muchena (2004) established that the ERB wrote pastoral letters to the government to take action in restoring the rule of law, respect court orders and rebuilding economy. The MCZ (2005) and MCZ (2014) agendas of the conference, confirmed that pastoral letter had been written to affected members, the Christian communities, the government as well as the UN to show how the church was concerned about the rights of the citizens. ZCBC, ZCC and EFZ (2006) established that ERBs and HOCD wrote a pastoral letter in April 2005, ‘a call to conscience’ advocating for love, justice, peace, reconciliation while ZCC and HOCD had written a pastoral letter with respect to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Beyond pastoral letters, the document, ‘The Zimbabwe we want’, to the government was a response to an unconducive environment that the nation was faced with and the document put forth strategies to redress the political crisis with special emphasis on the establishment of a TRC. With regard to the objective about participation of the MCZ in the reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013, this has been confirmed as the church was represented by Ecumenical of Religious Bodies, religious organisations or as a denomination per se. As in Munemo and Nciizah (2014), Banana (1991), Hallencreutz (1998), Muchena (2004) and Matikiti (2014), the church was involved either as an individual or as an institution to advocate for and against social injustice caused by political violence which threatened human rights. The church felt obliged by the ministry to reconcile a divided community into one and to bring psychological, social, emotional and physical healing through various methodologies from 130 1979 to 2013. All peace-building processes were aiming for peace and stability through reestablishment of destroyed relationships so that enemies could live in harmony. The study found that the church participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfill its transformative role. As emphasised in Munemo and Nciizah (2014) and the ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006), the church prevented the free citizens from being robbed of their freedoms in as far as the church conceptualises reconciliation which was not supposed to exclude issues of justice. The church thus made efforts for a holistic approach to be enhanced through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Zimbabwe, though this ultimately failed. The church, including the MCZ, capacitated clergy and laity to change the community for the better. The clergy and lay people influenced conflict prevention, management and meaningful reconciliation to take effect. In MCZ (2004), the church is called to save the society to the best of its ability. Generally, the study established that church’s involvement in reconciliation and healing left a legacy of advocacy for peace and justice through grooming and training leaders, as well as ministering to the entire nation, make it easy for administering reconciliation. It is generally agreed that forgiveness is at the centre of reconciliation and healing. In Green (2009), Baker (2012), Doorn (2011) and Munemo and Nciizah (2014), reconciliation requires forgiveness and this is why the church used the theme of forgiveness in its teachings, preaching or counselling, whether at training workshops or public or private worship gatherings, as channels for peace-building processes. Generally, both victims and perpetrator who can forgive experience peace of mind (healing). The study found that counselling was carried out in various forms. NANGO (2012), Weaver et al. (2003), Worthington (2002), Haider (2010), MCZ (2008) and Gifford (2009) claimed that the counselling thrust was for therapeutic purposes for survivors suffering from PSTD and for helping heal broken relationships. Unfortunately, due to the unfavourable political environment, counselling was held in homes, hospitals, church or hotels which may have limited it to church members only rather than the entire community. It was found that peace prayer rallies were intended to unite survivors. Matikiti (2014), Ncube (2014), Chitando (2013), the Herald (27 July 2009), the Daily News of Sunday (18 May 2003), ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and MCZ (2009) agreed that these events became the origins of public religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings for people from all walks of life, but NANGO (2012) differed claiming the process was for social transformation rather than conflict 131 transformation. Green (2009), Doorn (2011) and Gifford (2002) confirmed that the religious approach to reconciliation and healing had positive impact on peace-building in other African nations, for example, Liberia or Rwanda. Workshop training for peace and justice awareness was found to have been carried out mainly for grassroots and middle levels by the church in partnership with CSOs. Sisulu et al. (2009), the Daily News (22 June 2003), Dodo (2014) and MCZ (2012) claimed the workshop programmes were on civic education, human rights education, peer education programmes, leadership and governance, sustainable development, team work building, reconciliation, seminars for post trauma counselling, training of trainers addressing matters of human rights, conflict, conflict resolution/transformation, reconciliation and social justice, all linked to peace-building from biblical and social perspectives. According to Murambadoro (2015), workshop training became a platform for sharing and coming up with mechanisms to harness conflict in participants’ own context. Research findings identified that there was a high level of participation of peace-building actors regarding the provision of humanitarian needs to victims of violence. Hallencreutz (1998), Machinga (2012), NANGO (2012), Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) and Murambadoro (2015) described how, from 1979 to 2013, MCZ and other church denominations and organisations had fulfilled the provision of humanitarian aid to victims of violence in the form of shelter, food, clothing, medical care, educational needs for children, psychological support, water and sanitation, among others. In Epworth farm, established for resettlement by MCZ, became one of the high density locations in the eastern suburbs in Harare and is evidence of the church’s role in helping victims (MCZ, 1988, 2005, 2008 and 2013). The study has revealed that social service facilities were established for responding to humanitarian needs. According to Banana (1991) and Muchena (2004), the social services involved learning institutions such as primary and education schools centres, tertiary centres such as vocational, teaching, nursing, agricultural and theological training centres, as well as health facilities in general clinics. In addition to education, the social services centres became a source of empowerment and employment to the nation. Service health delivery was one of the critical aspects addressed by the church, though at a small scale. Institutes provided good learning environments for students, work for teachers, lecturers and ancillary staff, health workers, parents for the learners and others who met across the political divide. The neutral 132 social space and support provided opportunities for levelling differences. Religious institutions advocate behaviour of loving one another which reciprocates forgiveness. The physical structures were useful for venues of workshop trainings, counselling sessions as well as religious gatherings where reconciliation was articulated. 6.3.2 Need for reconciliation and healing. This section focuses on reconciling survivors of political violence as well as advocacy for peace and justice drawing on data and the study’s theoretical framework of conflict transformation. 6.3.2.1 Reconciling survivors of political violence Research results from P2, P4 and P15 described how, before 1980, white minority rulers became perpetrators of violence against blacks and in retaliation, from 1999 to 2013, ZANU- PF and the government became perpetrators against white commercial farmers by land grabbing. In addition, there was blacks versus black’s violence. Ncube (2014) established that intervention by reconciliatory activities drove communities together to sympathise with the victims, forgive perpetrators and renounce future political fights. Several scholars have described scenarios of violence which required intervention. Findings of Bloomfield et al. (2003) and Gundani (2008) highlighted that before 1980 Independence, the Ian Smith government and the white minority rule committed injustices by taking land from the blacks and committed other atrocities too. Hallencreutz (1998) and Muchena (2004) confirmed that the resolution of 1979 Lancaster House talks for peace settlement also involved the church and ultimately led to Independence in 1980. Dube and Makwerera (2012), Dube (2006) and Bloomfield (2003) established that between1982-1986, Matabeleland and Midlands provinces faced intra-conflict and the Gukurahundi operation claimed over 20 000 lives. The UA of 1987 was facilitated by the church, who identified the former president Rev. Canaan Sodindo Banana as a mediator between ZANU-PF and PF ZAPU. Amnesty was initiated but this did not reconcile the enemies and left a legacy of physical, social and psychological difficulties. Findings of Sachikonye (2004), Gundani (2008), ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and Matikiti (2014) affirmed that from 2000, white commercial farmers suffered from the Mugabe regime’s land fast-track programme (jambanja). This became a tool for the elections campaign by 133 ZANU-PF where the rule of law and court orders were not respected, hence social justice was undermined. With regard to operation Murambatsvina of 2005, studies by Haider (2010) and Dube and Makwerera (2012) established that MDC supporters in urban constituencies suffered from ‘operation clean-up’ under the disguise that government was dealing with illegal settlement and criminal elements yet in fact was dismantling the strongholds of MDC which defeated it in the 2005 general elections. Challenges faced by victims were homelessness, unemployment, and lack of food, health services, water and sanitation and education facilities for children, resulting in considerable traumatisation. Another episode of political violence was experienced from 2000 to 2008. Machinga (2012), Dube and Makwerera (2012), Haider (2010) and Hororo (2015) found that elections were marred by political violence and electoral irregularities between ZANU-PF and MDC. Violation of human rights was experienced before, during and after elections by supporters and activists of opposition political parties, church, journalists, civil society leaders, public servants and citizens. Victimisation was characterised by imprisonment, disappearances, torture, murder and rape as ZANU-PF, security services, militia and war veterans pervaded social justice orders. This negatively impacted on the physical, social and psychological life of the unfortunate citizens. 6.3.2.2. Advocacy for peace and justice Advocacy for peace and justice as the measure for reconciliation and healing was required by Zimbabweans as had taken place in other African nations. Research results from P4 and P9 indicated that the involvement of the church in peace-building was an integral part of fulfillment of its role to advocate for peace and justice. P5 and P8 conveyed that the thrust of intervention was an acknowledgement of conflict, conflict sources and effects that violated human rights where the church facilitated in conflict transformation as way of addressing peace, justice and reconciliation to enable the divided community to co-exist and heal wounds. Lederach’s peace-building model deals with positive peace and negative peace. Ncube (2014) advocated that peace-building was for preventing a relapse into overt violence and removal of structural and cultural violence through various approaches for recovery and expediting the removal of the underlying causes of internal war. Dobo et al. (2014) felt that advocacy by the church empowered the disadvantaged by restructuring relationships and unjust social structure through truth-telling for the healing of wounds. Saki and Katema (2011) confirmed that faith- 134 based organisations, in partnership with CSOs, enhanced liberation theology to buttress injustices of the oppressed. Through advocacy, Munemo and Nciizah (2014) and Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) confirmed that the church as the conscience of society attended to humanitarian needs. Staub (2006) and Eppel (2004) established that for reconciliation to take place, peace-building actors and government should work together for the rebuilding of the destroyed homes, physical, and psychological rehabilitation as well as reintegration through cleansing ceremonies, employment opportunities and memorialisation. ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) confirmed that the church wrote pastoral letters to government advocating for peace and justice so that violation of human rights would end as called for by Staub (2006) and Eppel (2004). MCZ (2004) minutes of the conference confirmed the church’s ‘pushing factors’ for its involvement were based on its calling, ‘you are a chosen people, the elect, the set apart, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people of belonging to God, the salt and light of the world’. These pushing factors became theological stimuli for the church to take action. Categorically, findings from Muchena (2004), Chitando (2013), Togarasei (2013) Matikiti (2014) concurred that intervention was necessary and theologically mandatory and should be based on peace advocacy against rape, torture, arson, murder, destruction and deprivation of property, electoral irregularities, humanitarian aid shortages and restrictions. Also findings from Hororo (2015) confirmed that the church had a mission task for justice, hence could not remain silent in the face of evil and oppression. Also findings of Gundani (2008) reflected that Zimbabwe Council of Churches, Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Council and the National Constitutional Assembly advocated for the new constitution for positive democracy in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, studies outside Zimbabwe confirm this general trend in Africa (Staub and Pearlman, 2002; Gifford (2009) in Kenya; Sanscullotte et al. (2013) for Republic of South Sudan, Bartoli (2002) with the case of Mozambique, Gifford (2002) in Liberia and Denis (2011) regarding South Africa and Apartheid and how advocacy for peace and justice were significant for reconciliation and healing purposes). 6.3.2.3 Levels of community targeted In view of the study results, P2, P9, P12, P14 and P15 portrayed that peace-building initiatives were targeted all levels of societies (grassroots level, middle level and national level) which is in harmony with Lederach’s theory of conflict transformation. The theoretical framework 135 claims that it is of paramount importance that peace-building agents should be local rather than external. Local actors are able to be context-sensitive, respect local culture and apply a long- term approach that enables participants to manage conflicts within their own context. External assistance is best if it contributes with economic and financial support to humanitarian relief which is participatory (bottom-up). Findings of Banana (1991) established that the church engaged the grassroots of society through leadership development in theological training of both the clergy and lay-people through UTC, vocational training centres, mission schools for primary and secondary education and health centres which also encompassed employment creation. As in the MCZ (2008b) minutes of the conference, reconciliation and healing initiatives reached out to grassroots levels through educating for justice, peace, love and forgiveness at funerals, social gatherings as well as church gatherings. Ministers conducted one-on-one counselling in home visits. The MZC (1980) conference minutes confirmed that Christian leaders infiltrated political organisations and influenced prayers, avoiding hurtful slogans like pasi nanhingi (‘down with so and so’). Matikiti (2014) noted that ZCC, the religious mother board of main line churches inclusive of MCZ, attended the Churches’ Conference in South Africa for electoral strategic intervention to fight against the violation of human dignity in Zimbabwe. Togarasei (2013) described how the ERB crafted ‘The Zimbabwe we want’ document as a response to an unconducive environment to advocate for favourable policies and the rights of the majority through initiating training workshops for elections monitoring. Dodo et al. (2014) established that as peace- building intervention was carried out by the church comprising advocacy, intermediary, observer and education, the church reached out to all levels of society influencing society to be positive about peace by public pronouncement. Similarly, Hellencreutz (1998) confirmed that church leaders engaged with national political figures for the success of the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement. Banana (1996) and Chitando (2013) established that pastoral letters were written to the government to restore rule of law and respect for the human rights. The Daily News (22 June 2003) and the Herald (6 May 2009) acknowledged how the church ran peace- building programmes at grassroots level and promoted national healing process from the top to the grassroots. Findings by NANGO (2012) confirmed that the church ran training workshops, reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings attended by all levels of society, hence no level of community was left unaddressed by the church. 136 6.3.2.4 Legacy of church on peace-building Study results from P5, P6 and P16 indicated that the legacy of the church on peace-building was initiated through advocacy for social justice, grooming leaders and ministering reconciliation to the entire nation as church ministers can be found throughout the country. Banana (1996), Banana (1991) and Dodo et al. (2014) all confirmed that the church embraced reconciliation as this was part of the church doctrine, it offered social support services as well as played an advocacy role. Regarding the research objective on the need for reconciliation and healing, the study identified that both perpetrators and victims needed reconciliation and healing. Bloomfield et al. (2003), Gundani (2008), Dube and Makwerera (2012), Matikiti (2014 and Dube (2006) revealed that perpetrators before 1980 were whites against blacks as victims; post-independence, it was blacks against whites and also the ruling party ZANU-PF against all opposition political parties. All government security structures were used to perpetrate political violence against citizens. According to Sachinyoka (2004), social justice was undermined and to avoid cyclical political violence, justice needs to take its course through reconciliation and healing between perpetrators and victims. The study found that due to violation of human rights, all survivors of political violence need psychotherapy for PTSD. Dube (2006), Muchena (2004), Chitando (2013), Machinga (2012) and Matikiti (2014) claimed victims were traumatised by experiences such as murder and shallow graves of relatives, sexual abuse, torture, arson, abductions, land and property grabbing, electoral irregularities and displacements. Counselling intervention and restorative justice intervention were needed to address the emotional, social and psychological needs of victims. According to the study’s findings, church intervention extended even to national political leaders. Muchena, ZCBC, EFZ, Chitando (2013) and ZCC and the Herald (2008), the church fulfilled this commitment as church leaders attended the LHCC of 1979 in London for peace negotiations. The ERB on several occasions engaged the leaders of ZANU PF and MDCs for peace settlement with a proposal for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission though this was rejected, but this gave birth to GNU of 2009 as reported by the Standard (28 September – 4 October 2008). This study also identified that peace-building initiatives reached out at grassroots level. Banana (1991), MCZ (1980), Matikiti (2014), Togarasei (2013) and Dodo et al. (2014) conceded that 137 all levels were addressed which is an effective participatory approach in society. Approaches were through advocacy, intermediary, observer and education for leadership development, peace and justice awareness. Grassroots intervention was evident in the provision of institutions for social support as in provision of humanitarian aid (Banana, 1991; MCZ, 1988; Hallencreutz, 1998), in training workshops (the Daily News, 22 June 2003; Sisulu et al., 2009), in counselling (NANGO, 2012), in teaching and preaching within the church as well as peace prayer rallies (Chitando, 2013; Hororo, 2015). Reaching out to national political leaders occurred through reminders to refocus on national rather than self-interest (Muchena, 2004; Hallencreutz, 1998; the Herald 2008 and 6 May 2009), communication by literature writing (‘The Zimbabwe that we want’ document and pastoral letters) (ZCBC, ZCC and EFZ, 2006; Muchena, 2004; MCZ (2014), pronouncements condemning acts of violence and lawlessness (Banana, 1996, the Herald, 26 June 2013; Hororo, 2015) and cooption into government system by deployment of church ministers to serve in government sectors (MCZ, 2005). Also NANGO (2012) and Ncube (2014) confirmed that memorial and burial services were held by the church in partnership with other CSOs, but with no full support from the government. Meeting all levels of the society ideal with regard to Lederach’s model of peace-building which focuses on long term transformation of conflict, as values of peace and justice, truth and mercy towards dimensional changes in personal, structural, relational and cultural aspects of conflicts. According to the research findings, despite engagement of all levels of society, social relationships and physical healing were not well addressed. Sachinyoka (2004) and Murambadoro (2015) findings revealed that if justice was effectively fostered, the reconciliation policy of the government would not have flopped. Bloomfield et al. (2003) acknowledged unresolved social relationships between whites and blacks over the land issue as well as the strife between Ndebele and Shona ethnic groups even before colonisation of Zimbabwe. It is undisputable that social and physical needs could have been addressed if what Eppel (2004) had suggested was implemented: restorative such as reburial for mass graves, rebuilding of destroyed homes, physical and psychological rehabilitation, cleansing and memorial ceremonies as well as employment opportunities for the unemployed. Haider (2010) denied that there was justice as the government did not insist that the perpetrators stood for trials, there was no reparation/compensation for victims, and a TRC was not established which would have made peace-building more effective. 138 Accordingly, the thrust for the church’s involvement was advocacy for peace and justice as a channel for peace-building. In a way this was confirmation of the existing conflict, conflict sources and effects that violated human rights. Dodo et al. (2014), Bloomfield et al. (2003), Haider (2010) and Saki and Katema (2011) revealed that combined efforts were needed between the government and other peace-building actors for justice to be restored through an effective infrastructure like the TRC in South Africa, or as in Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone as established by Denis (2011), Staub and Pearlman (2002) and Gifford (2002). Also, according to Gundani (2008), the call by the church for the new constitution was of great significance. 6.3.3 Civil society organisations that worked together with MCZ in peace-building. 6.3.3.1 Team work Peace-building within political conflict and violence anywhere is a mammoth task which needs many hands working together as alluded to in the research results by P4. According to the theoretical framework in Chapter Three, this requires involvement of the middle-range leadership type of actors. This second level is where the church is situated and it involves leaders from various sectors such as ethnic/religious, academic/intellectuals and humanitarian (NGOs) tackling problem-solving workshops training in conflict resolution, peace commissions through partially insider teams. This is the link between the top level and the grassroots. Research by Matikiti (2014), Togarasei (2013), Muchena (2004) and Chitando (2013) established that the church expressed its role in peace-building in various forms under ZCC, ZCBC and EFZ as Ecumenical of Religious Bodies. Results testified that multiple CSOs worked together with MCZ in fostering the peace-building process according to their capacities, as indicated by P6. Ncube (2014) noted that CCSF and The Heal Zimbabwe Trust (HZT) worked for the promotion of memorialisation programmes. Muchena (2004) acknowledged that the Heads of Christian Denominations, Ecumenical Support Services and Students’ Christian Movement joined hands together with MCZ. Hallencreutz (1998) established that organisations that worked together with the church on humanitarian grounds such as refugees through financial support included the Red Cross, Christian Care, Salisbury Churches’ Joint Action Group and World Vision. The Daily News (22 June 2003) reported that United Nations Development Programme funded the national healing and reconciliation training programme run by the religious bodies namely 139 EFZ, ZCC and ZCBC. MCZ (2013) minutes of conference established that United Church of Canada and World Church Office funded peace-building programmes. According to Sisulu et al. (2009) this assisted the ZCC to fund training workshops for election monitors with Zimbabwe National Students’ Union, Women of Zimbabwe Arise, Women’s Coalition, Zimbabwe Election Support Network, Zimbabwe’s Human Rights Forum, National Constitutional Assembly, Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, Zimbabwe National Pastors’ Conference while Ecumenical Support Services dealt with injustice, politics, economics, victims of HIV/AIDS and Murambatsvina. The Zimbabwe Christian Alliance which worked together with Save Zimbabwe Campaign towards national peace prayer rallies was also funded. Haider (2010) confirmed that 70 CSOs together with the Zimbabwe church representatives met in South Africa to advocate for a Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission though the proposal was declined by the government. MCZ (2011) minutes of the annual conference confirmed that international organisations contributed significantly: the World Church Office (WCO) purchased vehicles and the United World (UW) supported personnel and all costs of the project for three years. United Nations World Food Programme, United Church of Canada and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees assisted with food and transport for victims in all eight MCZ districts. Further to that, Murambadoro (2015) confirmed that ZLHR assisted with support against legal repression and unlawful arrests and detention. In as far as strategies were concerned, Hororo (2015) confirmed that SALC, the Congress of Southern African Trade Union, Diakonia Council of Churches, Southern African Bishop’s Council from South Africa, Zambia Episcopal Conference from Zambia and SADC joined hands with ZCC, ZCBC and EFZ condemning a arms importation. CCSF advised ONHRI that ERB be part of a team working for peace- building. The church came together with CSOs and other NGOs to execute its role. With regard to team work between church and CSOs, the study identified that many CSOs came forth for the coalition with the MCZ and participated in reconciliation and healing. In view of Lederach’s model of peace-building, a team work process that needs collaboration. Hororo (2015), Haider (2010) Hallencreutz (1998), the Daily News (22 June 2003), Sisulu et al. (2009), Murambadoro (2015), NANGO (2012), Chitando and Manyonagnise (2011) and Muchena (2004) revealed that numerous civil society organisations joined hands with the faith-based organisations to foster peace-building initiatives through their expertise and resources. According to Saki and Katema (2011), the non-state actors bring social order in society in various approaches and capacities as they can team up for peace and justice despite challenges. 140 The significant role played by CSOs together with the church cannot be underestimated. According to NANGO (2012), MCZ (1988, 2000, 2013), Hallencreutz (1998), the Daily News (2003), Haider (2010), Machinga (2012), Murambadoro (2015) and Hororo (2015), CSOs complemented the work of peace-building; where they could not work well together with the government, the church mediated and managed to work with all actors. It was found that CSOs were given the opportunity to demonstrate expertise in their respective areas. For example, ZESN would monitor and observe elections and brought feedback to church about violence incidences; the church would then provide mediation and forgiveness sessions. Some of CSOs dealt with humanitarian matters of shelter, medical care, food, clothing, psychological and social support for reburial, legal repression for unlawful arrests and detention, others focused on voter education, skills in political tolerance and non-violence conflict resolution mechanisms. According to Sisulu et al. (2009), Muchena (2004) and Munemo and Nciizah (2014), some of CSOs dealt with issues of injustice, politics and economics. Others provided diverse resources like transport, finances and human resources for facilitating training programmes. The religious based organisations had the responsibility for mobilising interdenominational religious gatherings and political violence survivors to attend workshop training, while others advocated for peace and justice in society or provided venues. 6.3.4 Challenges faced by MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe One of the critical areas in this study was to establish and review difficulties encountered by the church during the process of peace-building. 6.3.4.1 Ineffective participation Study results by P1 and P3 have shown that ineffectiveness in participation was experienced due to lack of a clear strategy which also prolonged unresolved injustices. Findings of Dube (2006) confirmed that the MCZ failed to effectively take up its duty, except ZCBC which responded to injustices in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. Gundani (2008), however, concluded that pastoral letters were not enough and claimed the church was ineffective. Banana (1991) established that church’s ineffectiveness in peace-building was due to it lacking practicality, pronouncing only periodic statements and sometimes being neutral instead of confronting acts of social injustice. 141 6.3.4.2 Inadequate funding The study results showed that inadequate funding led to ineffective performance in reconciliation and healing initiatives as pointed out by P3, P4, P14 and P16. In support of study results, the findings of Muchena (2004) confirmed the inadequacy of finances as a major challenge faced by the entire religious organisation to run peace initiatives programmes. Dube and Makwerera (2012) confirmed the leading cause was due to lack of a moral mandate from the politicians. NANGO (2012) clarified that at times some of reconciliation and healing programmes suffered a still birth because of inadequate funding leading to lack of sufficient transport as well as human resources. According to Haider (2010), victims were not compensated due to financial crises in the government. According to the MCZ (2004) conference minutes, financial challenges affected core business of capacity building programmes and the church struggled to provide a supplementary budget. MCZ (2011) and (2013a) confirmed that MeDRA was working with a tiny budget and needed to write more proposals and raise funds to run peace-building workshops from districts to grassroots levels. According to MCZ (2013a) minutes, many international donors withdrew financial aid and to make matters worse, the MCZ meagre budget failed to fund programmes or administration salaries for personnel. Established report from grassroots by MCZ (2013b) minutes of Marondera District Synod verified that though the district had lined up a number of training workshops, many were postponed or cancelled due to unavailability of finances. MCZ (2011) and (2013a) minutes of conference confirmed that the church continued to source funding for the peace-building processes locally and externally from, for example, churches of Australia, and the All African Council of Churches (AACC). Funders also sometimes sent personnel to run workshops instead of sending money only. 6.3.4.3 Fear of victimisation An internal weakness of the church that noted by P2, P4, P11, P14 and P15 as a challenge was fear of victimisation. These research results are supported by a number of scholars. Banana (1991) criticised the church’s ineffectiveness and Matikiti (2014) established that the church was overcome by fear of an identity crises as it participated in reconciliation and healing process because of being associated by the former colonial regime. NANGO’s (2012) findings, pointed out that the faith-based organisations were gripped with different kinds of fear for a number of reasons: the church failed to confront politicians by denouncing violence and only helped victims and there was fear of state reprisal by security agents (CIO and police and militia) who were publicly ruthless and brutal. In addition, the church was weakened by 142 political fear; the church needs to be an institution that fearlessly speaks against political violence on behalf of the voiceless. Findings by Banana (1996) confirmed that MCZ grappled with fear due to the gravity of 1980s violence which included torture and arrests. Muchena (2004) confirmed that some religious critics of the government were incarcerated, marginalised, threatened, harassed or torched while some church organisations as well as denominations were under surveillance by state security and were labelled enemies of the state. Fear, according to Banana (1991), was a weakness that led to ineffectiveness in promoting reconciliation and healing. 6.3.4.4 Lack of a social justice desk A second internal weakness of the church appeared to be the lack of a mechanism such as a social justice desk to deal with injustices in society, as noted by P4 and P15. Banana (1996) confirmed that the church was not able to provide practical support during Gukurahundi as it had no mechanism to establish facts on atrocities, it grew cold feet and failed with effective advocacy by remaining silent. MCZ (1996) minutes reported that lack of a social justice desk used to focus on social matters became a hurdle as the church failed to establish facts over atrocities during 1980s and beyond, thus publicity, like in other churches, failed. The only ineffective arm available to the MCZ was the Christian Social Responsibility (CSR) which had no capacity to deal with legal matters in defense of the church when facing litigation from the state. Muchena (2004) and Haider (2010) established that of all the religious organisation arms, only CCJP of the Catholic Church was able to address social justice matters despite all challenges faced because it was well equipped. NANGO (2012) claimed that structures such as this could have contributed to addressing issues of nation building including tackling violence effectively. 6.3.4.5 Lack of political will Study results identified lack of political will as another external drawback of the church as indicated by P1, P6 and P11. With regard to lack of political will, Muchena (2004) described the divide and rule government policy. When a religious community has a rift, it becomes neutralised and this undermines operations of the actors. Bloomfield et al. (2003) and Haider (2010) described how the proposal to institute Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission for human rights abuse in Zimbabwe was rejected by the government. Also mechanisms from the government denied rights for victims to restorative justice/reparation/compensation that 143 were meant to rebuild and restock the homes that had been destroyed, to provide a scholarship fund for children of rape, equity in redistribution of land and for loss of property; all these were not endorsed by the government. The lack of political will had a negative bearing on healing from psychological disorders as PTSD linking with anxiety, grief and depression, since interventions were affected by undemocratic policies of the government. Machinga (2012) said that, as survivors of political violence needed to recover from psychological disorders, this failed due to denied public counselling centres which would allow truth-telling as well. Botcharova (2002) argued that public training seminars are pivotal as they impart skills to victims to have mechanism for the management of PTSD, grief, anxiety or depression. In the same way, Heart and De Bruyn (1998) expressed that spiritual activities or ceremonies for spiritual development are crucial for the healing processes as they can lead to enabling the survivors to forgive each other, hence that process of forgiving relieves pain, anger, grief, depression and anxiety. These spiritual activities are observed to be partaken by the MCZ through religious gatherings to effect reconciliation through sermons, teachings and prayers. Unfortunately, due to lack of political will these could not be done effectively. As noted by Rogobete (2011) and Isakson (2008), restorative justice in the form of reparations would be the key to the healing of psychological disorders when victims are compensated of their losses accordingly but not in that case in Zimbabwe as pointed by Haider (2010). Machakanja (2010) argued that trauma and grief need some secured legislative backing through the establishing of a national healing and reconciliation commission and in this case denied in Zimbabwe though the MCZ through ZCC tried to push for it. Murambadoro (2015) and Hororo (2015) concurred that lack of political will was observed during the Chihambakwe and Dumbutshena Commissions of 1980s; atrocities were not published by the government because truth disclosure was seen as a betrayal of the government and ZANU-PF, the ruling party. Despite being defeated in successive elections of 2000, 2003, 2005 and 2008, ZANU-PF refused to concede power to MDC-T and in 2008 prepared for war by importing arms from China. Hororo (2015) described how GPA formed ONHRI which mandated NPRC to run the national healing and reconciliation, but could not include the church which is a neutral entity to facilitate peace-building programmes. Facts established in Muchena (2004) confirmed all churches involved in peace-building activities were under surveillance by the state security as a strategy to bar them from enforce justice. Eppel (2004) proposed that this 144 was the government’s way of denying accountability for political violence; it granted amnesty towards perpetrators of human rights violation who held influential positions in politics. MCZ (2008a) expressed the concern that for the three months following elections, results of presidential harmonised elections were delayed which was linked to clinching of power undemocratically. This absence of political agency made it difficult for the peace-building actors to effectively carry out their roles. 6.3.4.6 Poor government legislative reforms The challenge created by lack of reforms in legislation by the government led to the suppression of all freedoms as noted by P1, P4, P10, P12 and P15. Hororo (2015) acknowledged that the draconian laws of AIPPA and POSA hampered the peace-building initiatives of the church and CSOs in Zimbabwe as they were prohibited from freedom of speech and assembly. Sisulu et al. (2009) confirmed effect of the contentious laws of POSA and AIPPA in Zimbabwe. From Muchena’s (2004) perspective, poor government legislative reforms were characterised by arrests, marginalising, harassment, intimidation, torching of shelters of all critics of the government. Murambadoro (2015) noted how this became a hurdle in conflict transformation. Machakanja (2010) confirmed that sustainable peace-building can only be worked out if conditions such as legislative reforms are restored. As a result of not coming to terms with the unfriendly political and government conditions, P1 and P4 reflected that the church’s attitude compromised effectiveness of conflict transformation processes. This was confirmed by Banana (1991), ZCC, ZCBC and EFZ (2006), the Daily News (22 June 2003), The Herald (19 November 2009), Hororo (2015) and in minutes from MCZ conferences (2000, 2009): the church avoided public assemblies unless under the cover of Ecumenical Religious Bodies such as ZCC, HOCD and other Christian organisations. MCZ managed to use its systems, within the confines of the church, as an in peace-building initiatives which included preaching, teaching, pastoral counselling which were held in the church, cell groups/class meetings/bible study fellowship meetings or traditional church calendar festivals like Easter. It also continued with internal seminars, post-trauma counselling and there was a perpetual talking about reconciliation and healing in various forms. But withdrawal from public participation meant a holistic and comprehensive approach to peace-building was not possible. 145 6.3.4.7 Divisions over partisan politics Research results have revealed that partisan politics in the church can affect smooth running of programmes intended for promoting reconciliation and healing. P8 and P12 described how the Church is divided into denominations. Chitando and Manyonganise (2011) established that actors from faith-based organisations experienced political differences in methodologies for peace-building processes; the church needs to be united and empower herself for playing an active role. Matikiti (2014) and Banana (1996) identified that the intra-institutional problems led by divide and rule policy of the government caused a misplaced focus of peace-building and attacking of each other due to partisan politics. Partisan politics can degenerate into other problems whereby the church got cold feet, became pacifist and ambivalent. NANGO (2012) posited that the clergy must desist from partisan politics and should concentrate on denominational business and though lay people are politically affiliated, they should be temperate. MCZ (2011) minutes of Harare West District Synod established that politicians within MCZ threatened the church in peace-building processes, but the church advised them to uphold Christian principles. 6.3.4.8 Lack of public counselling centres Lack of public counselling centres as outlined by P1, P7, P11 and P15 in Chapter Five, were the result of draconian laws, lack of political will and financial resources. Machakanja (2010) proposed that the provision of special healing places and community intervention programmes meant for survivors to visit for trauma healing, counselling, relaxation and therapeutic processes, are important for peace through community reconciliation, engagement and empowerment. Research findings support the study results. Dube and Makwerera (2012) confirmed that Zimbabwe had an infrastructure for peace, ONHRI, which was not adequate to sustain local and national peace programmes as was the case with South Africa, Kenya and Ghana. Rejection of a TRC by the Zimbabwean government (Bloomfield et al., 2003; Haider, 2010) also means a lack of support for public counselling centres. Murambadoro (2015) established that lack of political will made all efforts for conflict transformation difficult. The MCZ (2005) and (2013) conference agendas confirmed that counselling centres were supposed to be set up through all districts to enable the church to deal with various issues that affected people, but nothing was done due to lack of financial resources and uneven political ground, especially in the rural areas. MCZ (2008) conference minutes noted that though it was agreed to embark on national healing and forgiveness, counselling centres for therapeutic processes did not develop. This was partly due to the banning laws of POSA and AIPPA used by the 146 government and the ruling party of ZANU-PF to avoid provoking havoc; the centres would have facilitated a platform for truth-telling. 6.3.4.9 Lack of professional personnel Lack of professional counsellors for reconciliation and healing identified as a hurdle by P7. Machinga (2012) found that though the church engaged at grassroots with healing memories, they lacked skills and pastors needed to be equipped. NANGO (2012) discovered that the church was affected in its role because the clergy who had been trained in theology had not been fully capacitated in training, advocacy, justice and counselling when it came to social justice matters. However, in discharging counselling, Isakson (2008), Botcharova (2002), Mehraby (2002) and Ohlschlager (2011) confirmed that PTSD, grief, depression and anxiety need counselling intervention for the survivors to experience healing, hence as confirmed in Machinga (2012) and NANGO (2012), the church lacked enough professional counsellors. Gangsei et all (2013) as well as Schilling and Nzang (2012) emphasized that as long as recovery from psychological disorders are not addressed the survivors remain incapacitated in caring themselves and their relatives and families. Munemo and Nciizah (2014) also confirmed that both pastors and lay people needed to acquire skills in conflict prevention, management, peace-building for and reconciliation. The MCZ (2008) minutes from Harare West District Synod stressed that lay people needed to be trained in counselling skills to assist ministers who were few in numbers. 6.3.4.10 Lack of truth-telling Truth-telling is a requirement in peace-building initiatives but P11 and P15 noted that this was a challenge. According to Machakanja (2010), peace-building initiatives were hampered by ruthless and repressive laws against freedom of speech and assembly as confirmed in ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and Haider (2010). Since a TRC was not established, it became difficult for truth-telling as public counselling centres could not be established. Murambadoro (2015) established that truth-telling was vital for the promotion of reconciliation and healing after acknowledgment, apology, reburial of mass graves and establishment of memorial sites and museums to ease the pain; unfortunately the church could not facilitate this. 147 Challenges for effective truth-telling included inadequacy of funding, as in Muchena (2004), Sisulu et al. (2009), NANGO (2012), Dube and Makwerera (2012), Haider (2010) and MCZ (2004, 2011, 2013). Some donors reduced budgets while some withdrew funding due to the NGOs Bill of 2005. The politicians lacked moral mandate regarding funding and some programmes had to be suspended, postponed or cancelled. Also, though the church tried to mobilise funds, it could not retain a sustainable budget because of overall economic collapse of the nation. Poor government legislative reforms affected the peace-building process. Hororo (2015), Machakanja (2010), Sisulu et al. (2009) and Murambadoro (2015) emphasised the challenge due to draconian laws imposed by the government for its self-interest. The repressive laws such as AIPPA, POSA, BSZ and NGOs bill were against the freedoms of the citizens, especially in terms of peace-building. Freedom of assembly, expression, media and funding from external donors was denied by the government and any culprits who evaded repressive laws faced arrest, torture, adduction or harassment. According to Banana (1991), Dube (2006) and ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006), because of repressive laws, most peace-building actors grew fearful and this minimised public reconciliation and healing initiatives. The church ended up ‘hiding behind’ ‘peace prayer rallies’ as an approach to peace-building which were more a form of social transformation than conflict transformation. Most peace-related activities were done privately in the church and this lessened the impact. The study findings suggested that a solution depended on the government. Machakanja (2010) proposed that the government had to establish and preserve a just public order embedded with goals for peace-building. The lack of political will was also found to be connected or linked with the repressive laws mentioned above which undermined initiatives for reconciliation and healing. The study results acknowledged that the government had various strategies to prevent peace-building initiatives being established. Sachinyoka (2004), Muchena (2004), Bloomfield (2003), Haider (2010) Murambadoro (2015), MCZ (1996) and Hororo (2015) described how the government declined the proposal for a TRC, restorative justice was not effective, amnesty was upheld for the protection of government perpetrators, denial of the publication of the Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commission of inquiry into Gukurahundi atrocities. As OHNRI was established, the church was not involved in critical positions but rather was headed by politicians who were master minds of political violence. When ZANU-PF was defeated successively in elections by MDC from 2000 to 2008, it never transferred power. Announcing of presidential election 148 results were delayed for 3 months. According to Muchena (2004), Matikiti (2014) and NANGO (2012), the government’s strategy of divide and rule between ERBs and African Independent churches combine with high levels of surveillance, threatened peace-building church activities. The church was apologetic and overcome with fear, docility and pacifism. The study identified divisions over partisan politics between church denominations and within denominations as the threat to processes of reconciliation and healing. Chitando and Manyoganise (2011), Banana (1996), and Matikiti (2014) agreed that partisan politics had a negative effect on the church. The government, having noticed the strength of the church when united, used a divide and rule policy among denominations of the church to undermine its strength. NANGO (2012) emphasised that the church should desist from partisan politics if it wanted to bring injustices to order. Internal weakness and a fear of victimisation gripped the church. Banana (1996), Muchena (2004) and NANGO (2012), Matikiti (2014), Dube (2006) showed that critics of the government were persecuted. Victims of breaching the law would be under surveillance, some tortured or ruthlessly humiliated, incarcerated or marginalised. Peace-builders became docile, taking backstage, and embarked on a theology of silence and pacifism, characteristics of fear that did not serve reconciliation and healing. The lack of public counselling centres was identified in this research in both the quantitative and qualitative data for this study. According to Dube and Makwerera (2012), Murambadoro (2015), Haider (2010) as well as the MCZ minutes (2005, 2013), the absence of this important infrastructure was exacerbated by other challenges of financial shortages, repressive laws, fear of victimisation and lack of political will. Generally, according to Machakanja (2010), counselling centres provide peace through reconciliation, engagement and empowerment; therefore, the government should concede to principles of just public order that would see public counselling centres being instituted. Since public counselling centres are linked with truth-telling whereby government’s injustices would come to be known by international human rights commission and condemned, preventive measures from politicians were put in place to prevent them being established. According to the theoretical framework, peace-building needs collective bargaining of multi-stakeholders with maximum support from the government. The lack of a public infrastructure meant that only victims who were church members were cared for and the false general impression was created that trauma does not result from political violence. 149 Insufficient education for reconciliation and healing and truth-telling were identified from results. Also Dodo (2014), the Daily News (22 June 2003), Haider (2010), NANGO (2012), the Standard of Zimbabwe (2008) reported that, though there were training programmes for reconciliation and healing and truth-telling initiatives, the challenges of repressive laws, no political will and inadequate funding for faith-based organizations and CSOs made it impossible for awareness to be effective. ZCBC, EFZ and ZCC (2006) and Haider (2010) claimed that truth-telling would have happened only if the government allowed a TRC to be established in Zimbabwe. There was clear evidence in both quantitative and qualitative data of lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ personnel. Machinga (2012) also noted that though the church engaged the grassroots with workshop training, pastors lacked skills. NANGO (2012) affirmed that clergy trained in theology did not have skills in peace-building. Recommendations for professionalism were pointed out in Munemo and Nciizah (2014). Generally, the gap was filled with CSOs who hired professionals to do counselling and other related peace-building duties like training and advocacy. Lack of a social justice desk was another identifiable internal shortcoming of the church as reported from research results. Banana (1996) and MCZ (1996) established that the church had no social justice facility compared with CCJP of the Roman Catholic Church, as affirmed by Muchena (2004), Haider (2010) and NANGO (2012). A social justice desk is the machinery that assists an organisation to administer matters on social justice without fear or compromising. Many scholars such as Muchena (2004), Chitando and Manyonganise (2011), Togarasei (2013, Hallencreutz (1998), Banana (1991), Dodo et al. (2014) and NANGO (2012) claimed that the involvement of the church was effective. Banana (1996), Dube (2006), Murambadoro (2015), Matikit (2014), Hororo (2015) Dube and Makwerera (2012), Sachinyoka (2004), Bloomfield et al. (2003) and others have argued that due to a couple of unresolved challenges, peace- building processes were not done effectively. This study has identified gaps within the church that prevented it from performing well and at the end, can be found recommendations for the church and for future researchers that will help peace-building actors to execute their role effectively. Machakanja (2010) recommended that for national healing and reconciliation to achieve the desired objective of uniting a community fractured by political conflict and 150 violence, certain factors must be in place. Conditions need to be in place such as legislative reform, political will, transformative and restorative justice, civil society engagement, consensus building, truth-telling, education for national healing and reconciliation, research on trauma, counselling for trauma and grief, special healing places and community intervention programmes, memorialisation and ritualisation as well as funding. 6.5 Limitations of the study As has been noted in the methodology, 224 questionnaires were distributed and 16 interviews held, that took into account gender balance. The study experienced what Gray (2004) called ‘experimental mortality’ or loss of respondents through resignations, some not returning questionnaires or arriving for interviews. Questionnaire retention was 211 and a few of the five females did not consent to being interviewed while 11 males consented. Questionnaire retention was relatively high, but perhaps a few more interviews, particularly with females would have contributed improving the study. Political surveillance also became a limitation which caused some of the church members who work in government sectors, for example, the security department, to feel uncomfortable with participating. Initially they accepted the questionnaires and later returned them, unanswered, saying, “we are sorry sir, we work for the government, this is a sensitive area, we will not do justice either to the government or to the church, the best is not to participate”. Some potential participants did not give consent to participate, some of the ministers who received the questionnaires promised to return them, but did not. After waiting a while, the researcher searched for new respondents. As alluded to by Bryman and Cramer (2003), moreover, even when a questionnaire is returned, anomalies are common, such as questions which, by design or error, are not answered. Non- response, inability to contact and missing information for certain variables may become a source of bias. We also do not know how representative those who do respond to each variable are of the population. However, factors like non-response may adversely affect the representativeness of a sample; some the questionnaire participants did not want to declare their status, gender and level of education. This would affect true representation of participants. 151 Archival sources from the church were not in tandem with what was said in the church communications. MCZ minutes of conferences purported that MCZ advocated for justice through writing pastoral letters, but these could not be found. Thus evidence of peace-building initiatives needed to be sought. The delimitation of MCZ’s geographical area of eight districts throughout Zimbabwe was another challenge for the researcher in terms of cost and time. Some questionnaires were not returned and the researcher had to go back to the districts to identify new participants. Other areas could not be accessed and the focus had to be on what was reachable. Though it was part of the study process, transcribing data in Ndebele to English was time consuming. Another limitation was the focus on participants within the MCZ community when outsiders might also have had a contribution to make, and perhaps been more neutral and objective. However, insider participation yields an in-depth set of results and reflected MCZ members’ personal experiences. 6.6 Summary The chapter has discussed the questionnaire results followed by interview results. It further verified research findings through triangulation of results from both questionnaires and interviews. Findings confirmed how the church and CSOs have fostered reconciliation and healing in post-conflict Zimbabwe. These initiatives were within the scope of the theoretical framework, as they built on a bottom-up rather than top-down approach to peace-building. The approach was characterised through engagement of the perpetrators and victims of violence to promote positive peace. Bottom-up in this regard seemed to be effective as opposed to top- down which was mostly identified by lack of political will as well as lack of government legislative reforms comprised of prohibitive acts of freedoms. The top-down approach initiated by national military or political leaders did not support the local peace-building actors (church and CSOs). The bottom-up process was shown through reflecting on engagement of political opposing leaders, establishment of social services centres, provision of humanitarian aid, training workshops, religious reconciliatory religious gatherings, counselling, memorial and reburial services, and communication by literature production. From Lederach’s model perspective, the engagement necessitated that actors be in touch with the grassroots level which consisted of large numbers of victims who needed space for encounters between the perpetrators and victims and experience of mercy, justice, truth and peace to re-establish destroyed 152 relationships. The process was supported by the theoretical framework in the sense that the thrust for peace-building was congruent with the need for reconciliation and healing carried out by the church for the purposes of advocating for peace and justice, reconciling survivors of political violence across all levels of society as required in Lederach’s model of peace-building to bring change to personal, structural, relational and cultural aspects for positive peace rather than negative peace. Team work between the church and CSOs as another main finding was significant within the peace-building model of Lederach which emphasises that peace-building requires the involvement of the entire society for it to be effective. The peace builders played a role in peace-building, justice and reconciliation and were at the centre to promote healing though findings outlined major challenges leading to ineffective participation. These drawbacks were both internal and external, such as inadequacy finding, fear of victimisation, lack of a social justice desk, divisions over partisan politics, lack of political will, poor government legislative reforms, lack of public counselling centres, lack of professional personnel and lack of truth- telling. Despite all these factors which hindered justice, conflict transformation called for justice as one of the major pillars of reconciliation and healing. The intention for the church in peace-building was to advocate for justice to end violence, restore the rule of law, deal with perpetrators and victims, and other human rights abuses in a bid to promote reconciliation and healing. The process of peace-building by the church was linked with the thrust of Lederach’s concept of reconciliation and also focused on ending impunity for human rights violations, fostering compensation, installing a legacy for long-term reconciliation and political transformation. Justice was said to balance the retributive justice and restorative justice which the church initiated for accountability, reparations, truth recovery, instituting social services centres, rehabilitation and the provision of basic humanitarian needs as methodologies to prevent recurrence of human rights abuse. The process of this justice was intended to re-establish destroyed relationships as the channel for restoring trust, reinstating integrity, fostering security within individuals, families and the entire community. The final chapter, Chapter Seven, that follows provides a summary, conclusion and recommendations, based on Lederach’s model which requires multi-peace-building actors to be involved bidding for positive and constructive peace in a conducive environment. 153 CHAPTER SEVEN: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. 7.1 Introduction The preceding chapter analysed and discussed the themes that emerged from the data that were presented in Chapter Five. The discussion and analysis was done from a conflict transformation perspective with regard to Lederach’s peace-building model as the lens for analysing the role of MCZ in reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. This chapter summarises the whole study and research, draws conclusions and provides recommendations for both the church and further research. 7.2 Summary Before the conclusion, it is important to provide a review of what has been done so far. In Chapter One, the study was introduced. This chapter focused at the background to the study, motivation behind the study, justification of the study, purpose of the study, research objectives and questions of the study, hypothesis and structure of the thesis. Chapter Two reviewed relevant literature relating to the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s peace-building. This was consistent with research objectives to analyse how the MCZ responded to reconciliation and healing as peace-building process, identify those who need reconciliation and healing, understand which civil society organisations collaborated with MCZ in the peace-building process and describe the challenges faced by MCZ while fostering reconciliation and healing. Studies done in other countries outside Zimbabwe affirmed the phenomenon of reconciliation and healing under investigation and provided comparisons with how Zimbabwe carried out its role in peace-building. The church and CSOs worked as a team though their participation faced challenges. Chapter Three gave an overview of the theoretical framework. It discussed conflict transformation and adopted Lederach’s peace-building model which was found to be relevant to the context in which the church carried out its role, considering a bottom-up and top-down approach. The framework embraced issues of justice and reconciliation as well as healing as key drivers for peace-building. Chapter Four presented the research methods reviewing the study setting of the eight districts of MCZ in Zimbabwe. The study population was confirmed to be 114 621 from which the sample size of 240 (quantitative 224 and qualitative 16) was drawn though this was ultimately 154 227 (quantitative 211 and qualitative 16). The adopted research design was the sequential mixed method design. Research instruments were questionnaires and an interview schedule. Gatekeeper permission was sought, there was collection and management of data from questionnaires and interviews though challenges were faced. Chapter Five covered the presentation and analysis of data from questionnaires and interviews. Quantitative data from questionnaires was treated under SPSS, presented in tables and graphs, using a five-point Likert and Likert-type scale and non-parametric analysis which is descriptive. The qualitative data from interviews was recorded and then analysed for content and themes. Chapter Six discussed and analysed the data presented in Chapter Five with reflection from the reviewed literature from Chapter Two as well as the archival sources of MCZ minutes of synods and conferences. The major themes emerging from data were looked at in this chapter, specifically from a peace-building perspective. The themes are revisited in this chapter. 7.3 Major findings It was established that the majority of respondents agreed that MCZ was involved in participation of reconciliation and healing processes by embracing a range of approaches such as engagement of opposing political party leaders, establishment of social services, counselling, religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings, training workshops and provision of humanitarian aid, memorial and reburial services and communication by literature production. The church’s participation was based on the conceptualisation of reconciliation: that it was mandatory for mending broken relationships for divided community to co-exist. The study established that forgiveness at the centre of reconciliation and healing and influenced victim and perpetrator relationships. This was fostered by the church through themes of forgiveness in teachings, preaching or counselling, whether at training workshops or public or private worship gatherings, as channels for peace-building processes. Forgiveness enables a victim to restrain anger and revenge against a perpetrator. The church also provided humanitarian needs to victims of violence in the form of shelter, food, clothing, medical care, educational needs for children, psychological support, water and 155 sanitation. The process of providing the humanitarian needs was supported by CSOs including Red Cross International, Red Cross Society of Zimbabwe, Christian Care of Zimbabwe, World Vision and Salisbury Church’s Joint Action Group. In the study, counselling was identified as a significant peace-building initiative especially for survivors with PSTD and for reconciling broken relationships. Counselling was offered in homes, hospitals, church or hotels. Peace prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors. They were regarded as religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings meant to heal wounds and encourage the nation to uphold forgiveness. This intervention by the church has been seen in advocating for peace, justice and reconciliation through religious services both in public and private spheres. Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing. This was identified as a key finding. We need to avoid cyclical political violence as well as to restore human dignity justly to all citizens. The finding on survivors needing psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress disorder was also important as it was clear that victims were traumatised by experiences such as murder and shallow graves of relatives, sexual abuse, torture, arson, abductions, land and property grabbing, electoral irregularities and displacements. Victims deserve interventions through counselling and restorative justice to address emotional, social and psychological needs. Another key finding was that a number of civil society organisations came forth for coalition with the MCZ. It was found that CSOs were given the opportunity to demonstrate expertise in their respective areas. Some monitored and observed elections and brought feedback to church about violent incidences for the church to provide mediation and forgiveness sessions. Some dealt with humanitarian matters, social support for reburial, legal repression for unlawful arrests and detention. Others focused on voter education, skills in political tolerance and non- violent conflict resolution mechanisms, diverse resources like transport, finances and human resources for facilitating training programmes while religious based organisation had the responsibility for mobilising interdenominational religious gatherings and providing venues. The study found and identified multiple challenges faced by MCZ in fostering reconciliation and healing, all being exacerbated by poor government legislative reforms which affected 156 peace-building processes. Repressive laws such as AIPPA, POSA, BSZ and NGOs bill were against freedom of assembly, expression, media and funding from external donors and any culprits who violated repressive laws faced either arrest, torture, abduction or harassment. As a result, the church developed internal weaknesses like fear, docility, being apologetic and pacifism. The lack of political will, connected or linked with repressive laws, undermined initiatives for reconciliation and healing process. The government had various strategies to prevent peace- building initiatives, such as turning down the proposal to implement a TRC in Zimbabwe like in South Africa or Rwanda. Restorative justice was not effective; instead, amnesty was upheld for the protection of government perpetrators that prevented the church from participating effectively. A lack of public counselling centres was identified in this research and was exacerbated by other challenges such as financial shortages, repressive laws, fear of victimisation and the lack of political will. This prevented peace through community reconciliation, engagement and empowerment which provide special opportunities for trauma healing, relaxation, recreational healing programmes and skills-oriented training programmes. The lack of a social justice desk was another identifiable internal shortcoming of the church. This facility assists the church and is the mechanism to administer matters of social justice without fear or compromise and with legal support. Inadequate funding was another drawback in the peace-building process. Some donors reduced budgets while some withdrew funding due to the NGOs Bill of 2005. Also, the church failed to mobilise funds towards a sustainable budget because of economic collapse in the nation. As a result, some peace-building programmes were either suspended, postponed or cancelled. 7.4 Conclusions The study has analysed the role of the MCZ in reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. Ultimately, the following conclusions can be drawn. 157 During the eruption of political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe, the church was left with no option but to intervene through processes of national healing and reconciliation in a divided and wounded community. The church assumed its role to build collapsed bridges, restoring relationships between victims and perpetrators within the context of human rights and dignity which had been politically violated. The thrust for intervention was to discourage the politicians and government from employing violence against the civilians as a political weapon for the achievements of their goals. Lederach’s model of conflict transformation in Zimbabwe is based on a comprehensive framework of constructive conflict transformation which stretches from grassroots, middle and top levels of leadership. Actors from all these levels need to engage in a variety of interdependent activities considering the interests of all stakeholders and it is important that local society initiates and owns its peace-building process. The study concluded that as the church participated in peace-building processes, various initiatives were employed relevant to prerequisites of the theoretical framework of conflict transformation, basing on Lederach’s peace-building model. The model encouraged broader grassroots participation (bottom-up) as a prerequisite of sustainable conflict transformation and post-war peace, embraces issues of justice, reconciliation, healing, forgiveness, counselling as well as creating spaces for encounters between victims and perpetrators. It also supports the idea of multiple actors and activities and is aimed at achieving and sustaining reconciliation as was done with the church when it teamed with CSOs. The study also concluded that the activities in peace-building such as engagement of opposing political party leaders, establishment of social service centres, provision of humanitarian needs, workshop training, counselling, religious reconciliatory and forgiveness gatherings, memorials and reburial services and communication by literature on peace-building were used by the church and compared well with what was done in other contexts showing that religion and social sciences have a role to play in peace-building. In the process of reconciliation and healing initiatives, challenges faced were poor government legislative reforms division over partisan politics, fear of victimisation and lack of political will, funding, public counselling centres, professional personnel, truth-telling and a social justice desk. Drawing from the above discussion, the study concludes that though the church made some significant efforts in peace-building, it failed due to certain external and internal challenges, participation was ultimately ineffective. If it had been more effective, having been involved 158 since 1979, political conflict and violence would have ended earlier. The researcher also concluded that an effective reconciliation and healing process could have been realised within a conducive environment as described by various study participants and as shared in the recommendations below. 7.5 Recommendations In moving forward, the church, as well as future researchers, need to focus on the role of the church in reconciliation and healing in Zimbabwe and could benefit from paying attention to the following recommendations: 7.5.1 Recommendations for MCZ management The church should continue to foster peace-building initiatives proactively rather than reactively and to overcome the spirit of fear, docility, apologetism and pacifism. It is important for the church to note that peace-building processes should operate across all levels of community, as soon as events of political conflict and violence have taken place. Ministers should not shun pastoral visitation ministry since counselling one-on-one in homes, hospitals, refugee camps, and prisons is effective for victims of political violence. Individual church members, whether lay people or ministers, religious organisations and CSOs can all participate in peace-building but there is a confusion and lack of standing and clear-cut strategy on peace-building, therefore the church must come up with an approach/theology of reconciliation and healing which will assist members with how to engage positively to a peace- building process. As has been concluded, inadequate funding was a challenge for peace-building programmes. The church should come up with strategies on sourcing funding to create a sound budget that will do justice to the programmes. The MCZ’s visibility in the peace-building process was not evident due to a lack of a social justice desk. Such a facility should be put in place comprised of professional personnel in legal expertise, trained in the field of peace-building as well as supported with a sound budget. As the challenge of division over party politics has been noted, the church must remain non-partisan in terms of political affiliation so that it won’t compromise its role in peace-building. Conflict in society is ever present; it is therefore important to be on guard even during days of peace. This will mean the church will be taken seriously even during 159 periods of chaos. The church should not cease to be prayerful for the country and prepare people to forgive each other. The study identified a lack of professionalism in peace-building among the majority of the ministers. The church should ensure that counselling is taken as a comprehensive course not only as a subject by ministers in training. Social justice and political studies should be part of ministerial training at UTC so that ministers can be more effective. In addition, ministers need to be bilingual for effective communication with the community they are. 7.5.2 Recommendations for future research As has been noted, repressive laws like AIPPA, POSA, BSA and NGO Bill of 2005 had a negative impact on the participation of peace-building actors. The government should enforce good legislative reforms to create an environment which is conducive for the church and other stakeholders to carry out their mandate without being victimised. It is important to record past atrocities, human rights abuse and declining democracy as these incapacitate and deter peace-building actors to perform their roles effectively. Political will to promote genuine reconciliation is paramount for the benefit of its citizens. The church has not been included in the official structures of the national peace-building infrastructure which makes it difficult to make an effective contribution. It is important for the church to claim space in the government and become part of the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration being led by the politicians who are often the perpetrators of violence. Public counselling centres are special places of healing. Trauma healing centres and skills- orientated training programmes can help survivors deal with their experiences of trauma and grief. The church and state should work together towards establishment of these facilities which are key to peace through community reconciliation, engagement and empowerment. The church had been labelled an enemy of the state due to its role in the advocacy for peace and justice for the voiceless; this compromises the government supporting the church in reconciliation and healing programmes. Hence it is of paramount importance that the church 160 and state work together towards establishing good relationship between the two entities for the smooth running of healing and reconciliation processes in Zimbabwe. As evidenced by the study, there is insufficient education for reconciliation and healing. There is a need for the church to increase educational awareness in the Zimbabwean community from grassroots level. Reconciliation and healing is possible despite experiences of trauma and grief after violent conflicts; this provides hope for peace and justice. With the level of atrocities committed in Zimbabwe and compared with other contexts that have managed to handle violation of human rights of that magnitude, it is vital that the government take heed of the suggestion from the church and CSOs regarding the implementation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission because true reconciliation cannot be experienced when the truths about past wrongs are not shared. 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In the view of Mutume (1988: 467), church can be conceived as an institution, but most importantly being the people of God, the local Christian community exists for its neighbours’ social concern and development. In the understanding of the organisation under study, it is church or society meaning “the whole body of members of the Methodist Church connected with and attending one particular place of worship” (MCZ, 2009: 29). Circuit – “several societies which are united for mutual encouragement and help. It is a platform for monitoring the mission of the church at society level” (Madhiba, 2010: 20). Conference – the governing body of the MCZ composed of both lay people and ministers who are representatives from districts and connexion. It has the final authority for the interpretation of the doctrinal standards of the church and it sits once per year. (MCZ, 2007: 7) District – “it is an administrative structure of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe that comprises of several circuits which are within a large geographical Setting” (Madhiba, 2010:20). Reconciliation – “an over-arching process which includes the search for truth, justice, forgiveness and healing in an attempt to find means to live alongside former enemies, not to love them, or forgive them, or forget the past in any way, but to coexist with them, to develop the degree of cooperation necessary to share our society with them, so that we all have better lives together than we have had separately” (Bloomfield et al, 2003: 12). It is an approach by which societies recover from trauma, attain justice and engage in social reconstruction, Barsalou (2005:5). Reconciliation is closure and healing; not opening enmities, but focusing on rehabilitation, it is the antithesis of the falling or growing apart, imbued with normative and moral aspect of re-coming together of the things that should be together (Dahl, 2009:61), and can be understood “as a process of addressing past abuses and conflict root causes; healing 181 traumas from mass violence; rebuilding broken relationships as well as institutions to sustain reconciliation gains (Ministry of Home Affairs, 2012:14). Healing – any strategy, process or activity which brings about change, redressing towards compensation for harms inflicted, aims to restore physical, mental, social/emotional and spiritual balance in individuals, families, communities and nations that experienced post- traumatic stress disorder due to extreme and negative experiences (Bloomfield et al., 2003: 77). Dahl (2009: 60) defined healing in the sense of rehabilitation either society or individuals wounded. Methodist Church in Zimbabwe – “an autonomous community of Christian believers within the denominational church known as Methodist geographically in Zimbabwe, founded in 16th October 1977” (Muwanzi 2012:18). Minister – “a person within the Methodist Church accepted into full service of connexion, recognized and regarded as such a minister under the provisions contained in the Deed of Church Order” (MCZ, 2007: 28) Operation Murambatsvina – an operation clean-up of cities by removing illegal structures such as residential buildings, vending stalls, other small medium enterprises and getting rid of criminal elements from communities around the country, but controversially labelled as retributive exercise targeting MDC urban constituencies that had bitten ZANU PF in 2005 general elections (Dube and and Makwerera, 2012:3 as well as Murambadoro, 2015:13). Peace-building – “action to identify and support structures which tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict” (Fetherston, 2000: 201). Peace-building is “understood as a comprehensive concept that encompasses, generates, and sustains the full array of processes, approaches, and stages needed to transform conflict toward more sustainable, peaceful relationships” (Ladarech 1999: 21). Political conflict – the situation in which the state is involved to reigning political doctrines that manifest in various forms, namely, protests, dissatisfaction, cynicism, rebellion, insurrection, revolt, civil war, disengagement or withdrawal. Also the ways relationships with the dynamics of civil order and disorder in society that touch upon the fundamentals of political 182 organisation on the creation of a civil public that leaves a legacy of the multi-layered nature of trauma in a given society (Bujra, 2002:4; Chazan, 1999:120; Machakanja; 2010). Political Violence –the attacking of the political, social, economic structures of a given state which negatively impacts on survivors, being violation of human rights such that psychological needs are profoundly frustrated, way of understanding the world and spirituality are disrupted, leading to intense trauma symptoms (Cohan, 2006; Staub, 2005) Truth-telling – a precondition of reconciliation of public record of experiences to counter the lies, propaganda and misinformation about the victims and to hold specific individual persons and groups responsible of guilt. This enables to rich meeting points for wronged parties getting on with each other, leads directly to trust, empathy and even forgiveness after the perpetrator confessed and request pardon, in anticipating that the victim accepts. (Bloomfield et al. (2003: 21, 24; Oberschall, 2007: 223; World Council of Churches, 2006:49). 183 Appendix 2: Application for Gatekeeper’s letter 184 Appendix 3: Gatekeeper’s Permission Letter 185 Appendix 4: Ethical Clearance letter 186 Appendix 5: Informed Consent Form Informed Consent Document Dear Participant, My name is Joseph Muwanzi (student nr 215062128). I am a PhD candidate studying at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg Campus. The title of my research is: An analytic study on the role of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) on reconciliation and healing in the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. The aim of the study is to (interrogate why, when, where and how the MCZ participated in the role of peace-building initiatives during and after the political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe. Also to explore challenges that could be encountered by the MCZ rendering it to ineffectiveness towards achieving sustainable peace within the nation so that proper recommendations will be presented). I am interested in interviewing you so as to share your experiences and observations on the subject matter. Please note that: • The information that you provide will be used for scholarly research only. • Your participation is entirely voluntary. You have a choice to participate, not to participate or stop participating in the research. You will not be penalized for taking such an action. • Your views in this interview will be presented anonymously. Neither your name nor identity will be disclosed in any form in the study. • The interview will take about (45 minutes). • The record as well as other items associated with the interview will be held in a password-protected file accessible only to myself and my supervisors. After a period of 5 years, in line with the rules of the university, it will be disposed by shredding and burning. • If you agree to participate please sign the declaration attached to this statement (a separate sheet will be provided for signatures). I can be contacted at: School of Social Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg campus, Scottsville, Pietermaritzburg. Email:r e v j o e m u w a n z i @ g m a i l . c o m ; Cell: +27 782340395/ +263 772606576 187 My supervisor is Dr. Noleen D Loubser who is located at the School of Social Sciences, Pietermaritzburg Campus / Howard College Campus, Durban of the University of KwaZulu- Natal. Contact details: email lobuser@ukzn.ac.za Phone number: +27(0)332605321 My co-supervisor is N/A who is located at the School of Social Sciences, Howard College Campus/ Howard College Campus of the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Contact details: email N/A Phone number: N/A The Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee contact details are as follows: Ms Phumelele Ximba, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Research Office, Email:ximbap@ukzn.ac.za,Phone number +27312603587. Thank you for your contribution to this research. DECLARATION I………………………………………………………………………… (full names of participant) hereby confirm that I understand the contents of this document and the nature of the research project, and I consent to participating in the research project. I understand that I am at liberty to withdraw from the project at any time, should I so desire. I understand the intention of the research. I hereby agree to participate. I consent / do not consent to have this interview recorded (if applicable) SIGNATURE OF PARTICIPANT……………………………. DATE ………………… 188 Appendix 6: Interview Schedule Interview Schedule for Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) i. Why did the MCZ participated in reconciliation and healing process within the context of political conflict and violence in Zimbabwe from 1979 to 2013? ii. What is the understanding of the MCZ on reconciliation? iii. What community level was targeted by the MCZ? iv. How did MCZ foster the following peace-building processes; • Engagement of both opposing political parties • Structural development • Provision of humanitarian needs • Training workshops • Counselling • Peace prayer rallies • What were the other approaches? v. Which civil society organization worked together with the MCZ in reconciliation and healing programmes? vi. What were the hindrances for an effective reconciliation and healing? vii. How did you manage the challenges in the role of peace-building role? viii. What legacy has the MCZ left as far as reconciliation and healing is concerned? ix. What justification that the intervention by MCZ was effective? 189 Interviews: Participants 1 to 16 P1, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 28 February 2016, in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. P2, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 29 February 2016, in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. P3, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 3 March 2016, in Hwange, Zimbabwe. P4, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 6 March 2016, in Hwange, Zimbabwe. P5, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 10 March 2016, in Gweru, Zimbabwe. P6, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 12 March 2016, in Kadoma, Zimbabwe. P7, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 16 March 2016, in Masvingo, Zimbabwe. P8, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 19 March 2016, in Masvingo, Zimbabwe. P9, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 22 March 2016, in Harare East, Zimbabwe. P10, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 26 March 2016, in Marondera, Zimbabwe. P11, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 31 March 2016, in Harare West, Zimbabwe. P12, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 3 April 2016, in Gweu, Zimbabwe. P13, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 7 April 2016, in Marondera, Zimbabwe. P14, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 15 April 2016, in Kadoma, Zimbabwe. P15, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 19 April 2016, in Harare West, Zimbabwe. P16, interview conducted by Joseph Muwanzi on 28 April 2016, in Harare East, Zimbabwe. 190 Appendix 7: Research Questionnaire Questionnaire: Conflict Transformation and Peace Studies My name is Joseph Muwanzi. I am a PhD student at UKZN. My research topic is: An analytical study of the role of Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) in reconciliation and healing within the Zimbabwean context of political conflict and violence from 1979 to 2013. Please fill in your answers in the questionnaire below. Please do not put your name on the questionnaire. All answers are anonymous and confidential. A. Your personal information: Your Marital Period of Status in Level of education in counselling Gender age status service Church e.g. Diploma, Honours degree etc. B. Participation of MCZ in reconciliation and healing process from 1979 to 2013. 1. The church participated in the peace-building process 1 2 3 4 5 2. It participated as a conscience of the nation to fulfil its transformative 1 2 3 4 5 role 3. I was involved with the church in various peace-building initiatives 1 2 3 4 5 4. Forgiveness was the center of reconciliation and healing 1 2 3 4 5 5. Counselling was carried out in various forms 1 2 3 4 5 6. Peace and prayer rallies were called for uniting the survivors 1 2 3 4 5 7. Peace and justice awareness occurred through workshop training 1 2 3 4 5 8. The church provided humanitarian needs to victims of violence: food, 1 2 3 4 5 shelter and clothing 9. Schools were established without any form of discrimination 1 2 3 4 5 10. Health service centers were instituted 1 2 3 4 5 11. Vocational training centers were established 1 2 3 4 5 191 Disagree strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Agree Strongly C. Need for reconciliation and healing 1. Both perpetrators and victims need reconciliation and healing 1 2 3 4 5 2. The MCZ intervention reached out to national political leaders 1 2 3 4 5 3. Peace-building initiatives reached out at grassroots level 1 2 3 4 5 4. Survivors need psychotherapy for post-traumatic stress disorder 1 2 3 4 5 (PTSD) 5. Social relationships have been addressed 1 2 3 4 5 6. Physical healing has been done 1 2 3 4 5 D. Civil Society organizations that worked together with the MCZ in peace-building process 1. A number of civil society organizations came forth for the coalition 1 2 3 4 5 with the MCZ 2. The civil society organizations played a significant role together with 1 2 3 4 5 MCZ E. Multiple challenges to the MCZ’s fostering of reconciliation and healing 1. The church became a product of colonial legacy 1 2 3 4 5 2. There was inadequate funding 1 2 3 4 5 3. There were internal divisions over partisan politics 1 2 3 4 5 4. There was a lack of political will 1 2 3 4 5 5. There was a lack of public counselling centers 1 2 3 4 5 6. There was a lack of skilled counsellors within the MCZ personnel 1 2 3 4 5 7. There was insufficient education for reconciliation and healing and 1 2 3 4 5 truth-telling 192 Not at all Disagree Disagree strongly strongly A Little Disagree Disagree Average Neutral Neutral A lot Agree Agree All the Agree Agree time Strongly Strongly 8. There was unsupportiveness from civil society organizations 1 2 3 4 5 9. There were poor government legislative reforms 1 2 3 4 5 Do you have any further comments? ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Thank you for your participation 193